LIBRARY 




DD0D5b3'^St,h 



"^^0^ 






j-^-^-^i. . 



• no 













*y 







A 
























































^^-^ 



4 0. 








'a^« 



^^,, 



^ ^^'-^ 



fy'-^s,.. 






THE LIFE 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 



COMMANDER IN CHIEF 



ARMIES or THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THROUGHOUT THE WAR 
WHICH ESTABLISHED THEIR INDEPENDKNCE ; 



FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 



BY DAVID RAMSAY, M. D. 

AUTHOR OP THB HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



WITH NOTES, 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. 



ITHACA, N. Y. 

MACK, ANDRUS, & WOODRUPP. 
1840. 



TO THE 

YOUTH OF THE UNITED STATES, 

IN THE HOPE THAT, FROM THE 

EXAMPLE OF THEIR COMMON FATHER, 

THEY WILL LEARN 

TO DO AND SUFFER WHATEVER TtfEIR COUNTRy's GOOD 
MAY REQUIRE AT THEIR HAKDS, 

THE FOLLOWING LIFE OF 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

IS MOST AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED, 

BY THE 

AUTHOR. 



PREFACE 

TO THE PRESENT EDITION, 



The Life of George Washington is a book which ought to be y>ob» 
sessed by every American. The young men of our country should 
study it thoroughly, as furnishing to them an elevated example of 
Valour, patriotism, and virtue, of military skill and civil qualifications, 
which few can equal, but which all may endeavour to imitate. It is 
to be feared, however, that, while the name of Washington is familiar 
to so many, a very small proportion of those who yet profess to revere 
his memory, have made themselves acquainted with the interesting 
history of his character and services. His Life, by Doct. Ramsay, 
is among the first Biographies of the " feather of his country" which 
were written, and appeared when his deeds were fresh, and the purity 
of his motives and the value of his publick services were justly ap- 
preciated. But in the multiplication of new books and the fluctuations 
of literary taste, this early tribute to the fund of American History 
and Biography has been suffered to pass out of print, and has become 
almost a stranger to the reading publick. It is, however, a brief and 
faithful narrative, comprised within a space which renders it accessible 
to all, and within the means and the leisure of those who have neither 
time nor money to devote to more voluminous publications. 

These considerations have induced the publishers of this edition to 
revive and endeavour to perpetuate a work, the intrinsick merits of 
which, far outmcasuring its bulk, need only be known to be highly 
estimated. They have annexed to it a Biographical Sketch of the 
Author, and have added various Notes, by way of illustration. These 
additions, they trust, will render the book not the less valuable or 
acceptable to all classes of readers : But even without these, the com^ 
prchensive dedication of the author, on the preceding page, and the 
eloquent epitome of the character and services of Washington, from 
page 243 to the conclusion of the Biography, which has never been 
surpassed by any writer, should rescue the work from oblivion, and 
are worth the price of the entire volume. 



CONTENTS 



Page 
BiOGHAPHicAL Sketch of the Author, . 9 

CHAP. I. 

Of George Washington's birth, family, and education. Of his mis- 
sion to the French Commandant on the Ohio, in 1753. His 
military operations as an officer of Virginia, from 1754 to 1758, and 
his subsequent employments to the commencement of the Ameri- 
can revolution, ».» v ....... 19 

CHAP. n. 

Retrospect of the origin of the American revolutionary war. Of 
George Washington as member of Congress, in 1774 and 1775. 
As Commander in Chief of the armies of the United Colonies in 
1775 and 1776, and his operations near Boston, in these years, . 35 

CHAP. m. 

CAMPAIGN OP 1776. 

Of the operations of General Washington in New York and New 
Jersey. The battle on Long Island. The retreat from York 
Island and through Jersey. Thebattlesof Trenton and Princeton, 45 

CHAP. IV. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 

Of the operations of General Washington in New Jersey and Penn* 
sylvania, in the campaign of 1777. The battles of Brandywine 
and Germantown. Washington is advised by the Rev, Jacob 
Duche, to give up the contest. The distresses of the American 
army. Its winter quarters in Valley Forge. Gen Washington is 
assailed by the clamours of discontented individuals and publick 
bodies, and by the designs of a faction to supersede him in his 
office as Commander in Chief, ............ 64 

CHAP. V. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 

General Washington prepares for the campaign of 1778. Surprises 
the British, and defeats ihem at Monmouth. Arrests General Lee. 
Calms the irritation excited by the departure of the French fleet 
from Rhode Island to Boston. Dissuades from an invasion of 
Canada, . . > . v , 83 



VI CONTENTS. 

CHAP. VI. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 

Page 

The distresses of the American army. Gen. Wnshington calms the 
uneasineps in the Jetseyline Finds great difficulty in supporting 
his troops and concentrating their force. Makes a disposition of 
them with a view lo the security of West Point. Directs an expe- 
dition against the Six Nations of Indians, and for the reduction of 
Stony Point. Pauhis Hook taken. A French fleet, expected to 
the northward, arrives on the coast of Georgia. Washington, un- 
equal to offensive operations, retires into winter quarters, ... 97 

CHAP. VII, 

CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 

Gen. Washington directs an expedition against Staten Island* 
Gives an opinion against risking an army for the defence of 
Charleston, S. C. Finds great difficulty in supporting his army. 
Kniphausen invades Jersey, but is prevented from injuring the 
American stores. Marquis de La Fayette arrive'^, and gives assu- 
rances that, a French fleet and army might soon be expected on 
the American const. Energetick measures of co-operation resolved 
upon, but so languidly executed, that Washington predicts the ne- 
cessity of a more efficient system of national government. A 
French fleet and army arrives, and a combined operation against 
New York is resolved upon, but the arrival of a supeiiour British 
fleet deranges the whole plan, 107 

CHAP. VIII. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 

The Pennsylvania line mutinies. The Jersey troops follow their ex- 
ample, but are quelled by decisive measures. Gen. Washington 
commences a tnilitary journal, detailing the wants and distresses 
of his army. Is invited to the defence of his native state, Virtrinia, 
but declines. Repremands the manager of his private estate for 
furnishing the enemy with supplies, to prevent the destruction 
of his property. Extinguishes the mcipient flames of a civil war, 
respecting the independence of the state of Vermont. Plans a 
combined operation as^ainst the British, and deputes Lieut. Col. 
John Laurens to solicit the co-operation of the French. The 
combined f)rces of both nations rendezvous in the Chesapr^ake, and 
take Lord Cornv-allis and his army prisoners of war. Washing- 
ton returns to the vicinity of New York, and the necessity of pre- 
paring for a new campaign, 120 

CHAP. IX. 

1782 and 1783. 

Prospects of peace. Languor of ihe states. Discontents of the ar- 
my. Gen. Washington preveiits the adoption of rash measures. 
Some new levies in Pensylvania mutiny, and are quelled. Wash- 



CONTENTS. VU 

Page 
inglon recommends measures for the preservation of indepen- 
dence, peace, liberty, and happiness. Dismisses his army. Enters 
New York. Takes leave of his officers. Settles his accounts. 
Repairs to Annapolis. Resigns his commission. Retires to Mount 
Vernon, and resumes his agricultural pursuits, 139 

CHAP. X. 

General Washington, on retiring from publick life, devotes himself 
to agricultural pursuits. Favours inland navigation. Declines of- 
fered emoluments from it. Urges an alteration of the fundamental 
rules of the society of the Cnicinnati. Regrets the defects of the 
Federal system, and reconmiends a revisal of it. Is appointed a 
membei of the continental convention for that purpose, which, 
after hesitation, he accepts. Is chosen President thereof. Is soli- 
cited to accept the Presidency of the United States. Writes sun- 
dry letters expressive of the conflict in his mind, between duty 
and inclination. Answers applicants for offices. His reluctance 
to enter on pubHck hfe, 169 

CHAP. XI. 

Washington elected President. On his way to the seat of govern- 
ment at New Vork receives the most flattering marks of respect. 
Addresses Congress. The situation of the United States in their 
foreign and domcstick relations, at the inauguration of Washing- 
ton. Fills up publick offices solely with a view to the publick 
good. Proposes a treaty to the Creek Indians, which is at first re- 
jected. Col. Willet induces the heads of the nation to come to 
New Vork, to treat there. The North-Western Indians refuse a 
treaty, but after defeating Generals Harmar and Sinclair, they are 
defeated by Gen. Wayne. They then submit, and agree to treat. 
A new system is introduced for meliorating their condition, . . 186 

CHAP. XII. 

Geperal Washington attends to the foreign relations of the United 
States. Negotiates with Spain. Difficulties in the way. Thefree 
navigation of the Mississippi is granted by a treaty made with Major 
Pinckney. Negotiations with Britain. Difficulties in the way. 
War probable. Mr. Jay's mission. His treaty with Great Britain. 
Opposition thereto. Is ratified. Washington refuses papers to 
House of Representatives. British posts in the United Slates eva- 
C'lated. Negotiations with France. Genet's arrival. Assumes 
illeiral powers, in violation of the neutrality of the United States. 
Is flattered by the peojjle, but opposed by the executive. Is recall- 
ed. General Pinckney sent as publick minister to adjust disputes 
with France. Is not received. Washingtor^declines a re-election, 
.and addr. sses the people. His last address to the national legisla- 
ture. Recommends a navy, a military academy, and other publick 
institutions, 200 

CHAP. XIII. 

Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring. Writes to the Secre- 
tary of State, denying the authenticity of letters said to be from 
him to J. P. Custis and Lund Washington, in 1776. Pays respect 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

Page 
to his successor, Mr. John Adams. Review of Washington's ad- 
ministration. He retires to Mount Vernon. Resumes agricultural 
pursuits. Hears with regret the aggression of the French re- 
pubUck. Corresponds on the subject of his taking the command 
of an army to oppose the French. Is appointed Lieutenant-Gen- , 
eral. His commission is sent to him hy the Secretary of war. 
His letter to President Adams on the receipt thereof. Directs the 
organization of the proposed army. Three Envoys Extraordinary 
sent to France, who adjust all disputes with Buonaparte, after the 
overthrow of the Directory. Gen. Washington dies. Is honoured 
by Congress, and by the citizens. His character, ..... 2Sl 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 



DAVID RAMSAY, MD 



Our author, Doctor David Ramsay, ranks among the eminent and 
useful men of the American revolution. His life and character should 
therefore be known, and his memory cherished, by the latest de- 
scendants of the patriotick fathers of that eventful period. For the 
following sketch, the publishers of this volume are principally indebted 
to an able article in the Analectick Magazine, for September, 1815. 
it is from a source upon which full reliance may be placed ; and 
while we have adhered closely to the facts, we have for brevity sake, 
suppressed much of the eulogium with which personal friendship or 
patriotick sympathy embued the original. 

David Ramsay was born in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on the 
2d day of April, 1749. He was the youngest son of James Ramsay, 
a respectable farmer, who had emigrated from Ireland at an early age, 
and by the cultivation of his farm, with his own hands, provided the 
means of support and education for a numerous family. The father 
was an intelligent and pious man. He early sowed the seeds of know- 
ledge, and instilled the principles of religion and virtue, into the 
minds of his children ; and he lived to reap the fruits of his labours, 
and to see his offspring grow up around him, ornaments of society 
and the props of his declining years. These early impressions were 
never, in the progress of time, the bustle of business, the excitements 
of war and politicks, and the duties of his profession, erased from the 
mind of Dr. Ramsay. He venerated the sacred volume. It was 
connected with all his tenderest recollections. It had been the com- 
panion of his childhood, and through his whole life, his guide, and 
friend, and comforter; and in his last will, written by his own hand, 
about five months before his death, when committing his soul to his 
Maker, he takes occasion to call the Bible •' the best of books." He 
cherished always the fondest attachment for the place of his nativity, 
and dwelt with peculiar pleasure on the little incidents of his childhood. 

Dr. Ramsay had the misfortune to lose in early life an amiable 
and excellent mother; but this loss was repaired, as far as possible, 
by the renewed assiduity of his father. This good man, though not 
at the time in affluent circumstances, contrived to give to his three 
sons a liberal education. They graduated at Princeton College. 
William, the eldest, became a respectable minister of the gospel ; Na- 
thaniel was bred a lawyer, and settled in Baltimore ; and David 
studied for and became a physician. 

2 



X LIFE OF THE AUTHOB. 

The writer we are following, states as derived " from the very best 
sources," some singular circumstances relative to the life of Dr. Ram- 
say : " He was, from his infancy, remarkable for his attachment to 
books, and for the rapid progress he made in acquiring knowledge. 
At six years of age he read the Bible with facility, and, it is said, 
was peculiarly delighted with the historical parts of it. When placed 
at a grammar school, his progress was very remarkable. It was no 
uncommon thing, says a gentleman who knew him intimately at that 
time, to see students who had almost arrived at manhood, taking the 
child upon their knees in order to obtain his assistance in the con- 
struction and explanation of difficult passages in their lessons. Be. 
fore Dr. Ramsay was twelve years of age he had read, more than 
once, all the classicks usually studied at grammar schools, and was, 
in every respect, qualified for admission into college ; but being thought 
too young for collegiate studies, he accepted the place of assistant 
tutor in a reputable academy in Carlisle, and, notwithstanding his 
tender years, acquitted himself to the admiration of every one. He 
continued upward of a year in this situation, and then went to Prince- 
ton. On his examination he was found qualified for admission into 
the junior class ; but in consequence of his extreme youth, the faculty 
advised him to enter as a sophomore, which he did, and having passed 
through college with high reputation, he took the degree of Bachelor 
of Arts in the year 1765, being then only sixteen years of age. What 
an interesting picture is presented by the youth of Dr. Ramsay ! That 
a child but twelve years of age should have* made such progress in 
learning, and, what is more remarkable, that he should have been a 
teacher of a publick school, appears almost incredible. With what 
peculiar emotions must every one have beheld this little prodigy seated 
on the knee, not to be amused with a toy, but to instruct full grown 
men. 

" Having completed the usual college course at sixteen, he was 
enabled to devote some time to the general cultivation of his mind 
before he commenced the study of physick, and he spent nearly two 
years in Maryland, as a private tutor in a respectable family, devoting 
himself to books, and enriching his mind with stores of useful know- 
ledge. 

*' He then commenced the study of physick under the direction of 
Dr. Bond, in Philadelphia, where he regularly attended the lectures 
delivered at the College of Pennsylvania, the parent of that celebrated 
medical school which has since become so distinguished." 

Dr. Rush was then Professor of Chymistry in that institution ; and 
a friendship commenced between the master and pupil, which lasted 
through life. Ramsay appears to have embraced, defended, and prac- 
tised, the principles introduced by Dr. Rush into the theory and prac- 
tice of medicine. He was graduated Bachelor of Physick early in the 
year 1772, and immediately commenced the practice of physick, at 
the " Head of the Bohemia," in Maryland, where he continued to 
practise with much reputation for about a year, when he removed to 
Charleston, South Carolina. On the occasion of this removal, Dr. 
Rush presented him a letter of recommendation, dated 15th Septem. 
ber, 1773, in which he says, " • Dr. Ramsay studied physick regularly 



LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. XI 

with Dr. Bond, attended the hospital, and publick lectures of medi- 
cine, and afterwards graduated Bachelor of Physick, with great eclat ; 
it is saying but little of hira to tell you, that he is far superiour to any 
person we ever graduated at our college ; his abilities are not only 
good, but great ; his talents and knowledge universal ; I never saw so 
much strength of memory and imagination, united to so fine a judg- 
ment. His manners are polished and agreeable — his conversation 
lively, and his behaviour, to all men, always without offence. Joined 
to all these, he is sound in his principles, strict, nay more, severe in 
his morals, and attached, not by education only, but by principle, to 
the dissenting interest. He will be an acquisition to your society. 
He writes, — talks — and what is more, lives well. I can promise 
more for him, in every thing, than I could for myself.' 

" Such was the character of Dr. Ramsay at the commencement of 
his career in life. 

" On settling in Charleston, he rapidly rose to eminence in his pro- 
fession and general respect. His talents, his habits of business and 
uncommon industry, eminently qualified him for an active part in 
publick affairs, and induced his fellow-citizens to call upon him, on 
all occasions, when any thing was to be done for the common welfare. 
In our revolutionary struggle he was a decided and active friend of 
his country, and of freedom, and was one of the earliest and most 
zealous advocates of American independence. His ardent imagina- 
tion led him to anticipate the most delightful results, from the natural 
progress of the human mind when it should be freed from the shackles 
imposed on it by the oppressions, the forms, and the corruptions of 
monarchy and aristocracy. 

*' On the 4th of July, 1778, he was appointed to deliver an oration 
before the inhabitants of Charleston. The event of the contest was 
yet doubtful ; some dark and portentous clouds still hung about our 
political horizon, threatening, in gloomy terror, to blast the hopes of 
the patriot ; the opinions of many were poised between the settled 
advantages of monarchical government, and the untried blessings of 
-a republick. But the mind of David Ramsay was never known to 
waver ; and in this oration, the first ever delivered in the United 
States on the anniversary of American independence, he boldly de- 
clares, that ' our present form of government is every way preferable 
to the royal one we have lately renounced.' In establishing this po- 
sition he takes a glowing view of the natural tendency of republican 
forms of government to promote knowledge, to call into exercise the 
active energies of the human soul — to bring forward modest merit — to 
destroy luxury, and establish simplicity in the manners and habits of 
the people, and, finally, to promote the cause of virtue and religion. 

" In every period of the war Dr. Ramsay wrote and spoke boldly, 
and constantly ; and by his personal exertions in the legislature, and 
in the field, was very serviceable to the cause of American liberty. 
The fugitive pieces written by him, from the commencement of that 
struggle, were not thought by himself of sufficient importance to be 
preserved ; yet it is well known to his cotemporaries, that on political 
topicks, no man wrote more or better than Dr. Ramsay in all the pub- 
lick journals of the day. 



Xll LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 

*' For a short period he was with the army as a surgeon, and he 
was present with the Charleston Ancient Battalion of Artillery, at 
the siege of Savannah. 

" From the declaration of independence to the termination of the 
war, he was a member of the legislature of the state of South Caro- 
lina. For two years he had the honour of being one of the privy 
council, and, with two others of that body, was among those citizens 
of Charleston who were banished by the enemy to St. Augustine. 
While this transaction is justly regarded as disgraceful to the British 
government, it was glorious for those who cheerfully submitted to 
exile, and all the horrors of a prison ship, rather than renoimce their 
principles. Many still live who remember well the 17th of August, 
1780. It was on the morning of the Lord's day, while the Christian 
patriot, on his knees before his Maker, was invoking the aid of Hea- 
ven for his bleeding country, seeking consolation for himself, and in 
his petitions even remembering his enemies, that a band of armed men 
burst in upon him, dragged him from his habitation like a felon, and 
conveyed him to the prison ship — the tomb for living men. We shall 
not attempt to paint the scene which ensued when these political 
martyrs were to bid adieu to their relatives and friends, perhaps to 
meet them no more. 

**A number of the most respectable citizens of Charleston, prisoners 
on parole, and entitled to protection by all the rules held sacred in 
civiHzed warfare, were seized at the same time, and consigned to exile. 
The sole reason alleged by the enemy for this ontrajrR was. ' that 
Lord Cornwallis had been highly incensed at the perfidious revolt of 
many of the inhabitants, and had been informed that several of the 
citizens of Charleston had promoted and fomented this spirit.' 

"Inconsequence of an exchange of prisoners. Dr. Ramsay was 
sent back to the United States, after an absence of eleven months. 
He immediately took his seat as a member of the state legislature, 
then convened at Jacksonbbrough. It was at this assembly that the 
various acts confiscating the estates of the adherents to Great Britain, 
were passed. Dr. Ramsay being conciliatory in his disposition, tole- 
rant and himiane in his principles, and the friend of peace, although he 
well new that the conduct of some of those who fell under the opera- 
tion of these laws, merited all the severity that could be used toward 
them, yet he remembered, also, that many others were acting from 
the honest dictates of conscience. He could not, therefore, approve 
of the confiscation acts, and he opposed them in every shape. While 
in this, we know that he differed from some of the best patriots of 
the day, yet we cannot but admire that magnanimous spirit which 
could thus forget all its recent wrongs, and refuse to be revenged. Dr. 
Ramsay continued to possess the undiminished confidence of his fellow 
citizens and was, in February, 1782, elected a member of the conti- 
nental congress. In this body he was always conspicuous, and par- 
ticularly exerted himself in procuring relief for the southern states 
then overrun by the enemy." He is represented at this period, by the 
translator of Chastellux Travels, as possessing " a cultivated under- 
standing, a persevering mind, and an active enthusiasm, founded on 



LIFE OF THE AtJTHOR. JtUl 

a thorough knowledge of the cause he was engaged in, and the most 
perfect conviction of its rectitude." 

" On the peace he returned to Charleston, and recommenced the 
practice of his profession, but he was not permitted long to remain 
in private life, and, in 1785, was again elected a member of congress 
from Charleston district. The celebrated John Hancock had been 
chosen president of that body, but being unable to attend from indis. 
position, Dr. Ramsay was elected president pro tempore, and contin. 
ued for a whole year to discharge the important duties of that station, 
with much ability, industry, and impartiality. In 1786 he again 
returned to Charleston, and re-entered the walks of private life. In 
the b'tate legislature, and in the continental congress, Dr. Ramsay was 
useful and influential; and, indeed, the success of every measure to 
which he was known to be opposed, was considered doubtful. He 
was a remarkably fluent, rapid and ready speaker ; and though his 
manner was ungraceful, though he neglected all ornament, and never 
addressed himself to the imagination or the passions of his audience, 
yet his style was so simple and pure, his reasonings so cogent, his 
remarks so striking and original, and his conclusions resulted so clearly 
from his premises, that he seldom failed to convince. 

*' He was so ready to impart to others his extensive knowledge on all 
isubjects, that whenever consultation became necessary, his opinion 
and advice was looked for as a matter of course, and it was always 
given with great brevity and perspicuity. Thus he became the most 
active member of every association, publick or private, to which he 
was attached. 

" In general politicks he was thoroughly and truly a republican. 
Through the course of a long life, his principles suffered no change — » 
he died in those of his youth. With mere party politicks he had little 
to do. He bore enmity to no man because he differed from him in 
opinion. Always disposed to believe his opponents to be the friends 
of their country, he endeavoured, by his language and example, to 
allay party feeling, and to teach all his fellow citizens to regard thera^ 
selves as members of the same great family." 

As a physician Dr. Ramsay was assiduous aud successful in the 
practice of his profession. 

But it is as an author, that the character of Dr. Ramsay is best 
known and most distinguished. His reputation was early established, 
not only in the United States, but in Europe. He may be regarded 
as the father of history in the new world, and ranked among those 
upon whom America must depend for her literary character. He was 
admirably calculated by nature, education and habit, to become the 
historian of his country. He possessed a memory so tenacious, 
that an impression once made on it could never be effaced. The 
minutest circumstances of his early youth, — facts and dates relative 
to every incident of his own life, and all publick events, were indel- 
ibly engraven upon his memory. He Was, in truth, a living chronicle. 

His learning, and uncommon industry, eminently fitted him for the 
pursuits of a historian. He was above prejudice and absolute master 
of passion. " I declare " says he, in the introduction of his first work, 
*' that, embracing every opportunity of obtaining genuine information, 

2* 



XIV tiFE OF THE AUTHOR. 

I have sought for truth, and have asserted nothing but what I believe 
to be fact." 

His first historical work, was the " History of the Revolution in 
South Carolina." For this work he was carefully collecting materi- 
als from the beginning to the close of the war. After it was com- 
pleted, it was submitted to the perusal of General Greene, who having 
given his assent to all the statements contained therein, it was pub- 
lished in 1785. Its reputation soon spread throughout the United 
States, and it was translated into French, and read with great avidity 
in Europe. 

It was the wish of Dr. Ramsay to have first published a general 
History of the Revolution ; but want of materials delayed this work 
until a later period. When, therefore, in the year 1785, he took his 
seat in congress, finding himself associated with many of the most 
distinguished heroes and statesmen of the revolution, and having free 
access to all the publick records and documents that could throw light 
on the events of the war, he immediately commenced the History of 
the American Revolution. With Dr. Franklin and Dr. Witherspoon, 
both of them his intimate friends, he conferred freely, and gained much 
valuable information from them. Anxious- to obtain every important 
fact, he also visited General Washington at Mount "Vernon, and was 
readily furnished by him with all the information required, relative to 
the events in which that great man had been the chief actor. Dr.- 
Ramsay thus possessed greater facilities for procuring materials for 
the History of the Revolution, than any other individual of the United 
States. He had been an eyewitness of many of its events, and was a 
conspicuous actor in its busy scenes, H« was the friend of Washing- 
ton, Franklin, Witherspoon, and a host of others, who were intimately 
acquainted with all the events of the war;, and it may be said with 
perfect truth, that no writer was ever more industrious in collecting 
facts, nor more scrupulous irr relating them. 

The History of the Revolution was published in 1790, and was re- 
ceived with universal approbation. It is not necessary to analyze the 
character of a work that has stood the test of publick opinion, and 
passed through the crucible of criticism. It at once became a popular 
work, and merits to be so at this day. The first edition was soon dis- 
posed of; a second was called for, and was speedily exhausted, and 
the book is now difficult to be procured. 

From the same sources of information from which his History of 
the Revolution was drawn, with the advantage of an intimate per- 
sonal acquaintance with its subject, Dr. Ramsay, in 1801, gave to the 
world his Life of WasMngton ; as fine a piece of biography as can be 
found in any language. It will not sink in comparison with the best 
productions of ancient or modern times. Indeed, our biographer had 
one advantage over all others — we mean the exalted and unrivalled 
character of his hero — a character " above all Greek, above all Ro- 
man fame." As this is the work which follows the present sketch, no 
further notice of it is here necessary. 

In 1808, Dr. Ramsay published his History of South Carolina, in 
two volumes 8vo. which fully supported the reputation he had sa 
justly acquired. The death of his wife, in 1811, induced him to pub^ 



LIFE OF THE AtJTHOK. XV 

lish, a short time after, the memoirs of her life, which contained alsa 
some of the productions of her pen. She was an amiable woman ; 
possessed from nature a superiour understanding, and education had 
added higher excellence to her native virtues; while her whole cha- 
racter was refined and exalted by the influence of Christianity. The 
experience of such a woman, whose principles had borne her tri- 
umphantly through all the trials and vicissitudes of life, should not, 
and will not, be lost to the world. 

Dr. Ramsay also published several minor works, chiefly of a local 
nature, but possessing merit in their several departments. A few- 
weeks before his death, he commenced collecting materials for the 
life of General Andrew Jackson, with which he intended to connect 
a particular account of the origin and progress of the Indian war, and 
of the state of society in Louisiana. This interesting work has gone 
with him to the tomb. 

The increasing demand for the History of the American Revolu-- 
tion, induced the author, several years before his death, to resolve ta 
publish an improved edition of that work. Ke intended it to embrace 
a history of the United States, from their first settlement as English 
colonies, and to have brought it down to the end of the late war with 
Great Britain. He intended to publish it in connexion with his Uni- 
versal History; but had completed it only up to 1808, when death 
arrested his labours. As a History of the United States, up to that 
period, and continued to 181.5, by Rev. Samuel Stanhope Smith and 
other literary gentlemen, it was published in 1817, in 3' volumes, 8vo. 

But the last and greatest work of the American historian, is one 
upon which he was employed for more than forty years previous to his 
death. It bears the title of "Universal History Americanized, or a 
Historical View of the World from the earliest records to the 19th 
century, with a particular reference to the state of society, literature, 
religion, and form of government in the United States of America.'* 
The patriotick motives of the author, are indicated in the title of this 
work. They were to furnish to his countrymen a record of the past 
for study or reference, in which the resources, acts and institutions of 
their own country, should assume their just rank and importance in 
the pages of history. This work was not published until several 
years after the death of Dr. Ramsay, viz : in 1819, and was comprised 
in 12 vols. 8vo. the first three volumes being the above mentioned 
History of the United States. The voluminous and expensive form 
of publication, has prevented this History from being generally known 
to the American publick. Should it, in the hands of enterprif-ing pub-- 
Ushers, assume a more economical shape, it would doubtless soon be 
more generally read and justly appreciated. 

" The labour of such an undertaking must have been great indeed, 
and when we remember the other numerous works which occupied 
the attention of the author, and the interruptions t<3 which he was 
constantly exposed from professional avocations, we are at a loss to 
conceive how he found time for such various employments. But it 
has been truly said of him, that no ' miser was ever so precious of 
his gold as he was of his time ;' he was not merely economical, but 
parsimonious of it to the highest degree. From those avocations 



XVl LirU OP THE AUTHOR. 

Which occupy no great proportion of the . lives of ordinary men, Dr. 
Ramsay subtracted as much as possible. He never allowed for the 
table, for recreation, or repose, a single moment that was not abso- 
lutely necessary for the preservation of his health. His habits were 
those of the strictest temperance. He usually slept four hours — rose 
before the light, and meditated with his book in his hand until he 
could see to read. He had no relish for the pleasures of the table — 
he always cat what was set before him, and having snatched his hasty 
meal, returned to his labours. His evenings, only, were allotted to 
recreation. He never read by the light of a candle '. with the first 
shades of evening he laid aside his book and his pen, and, surrounded 
by his family and friends, gave loose to those paternal and social 
feelings which ever dwell in the bosom of a good man. 

'• The writer of this memoir speaks the opinion of men well quali. 
ficd to judge, when he says that as a historian, Ramsay is faithful, 
judicious and impartial ; that his style is classical and chaste, and if 
occasionally tinctured by originality of idea, or singularity of expres. 
sion, it is perfectly free from affected obscurity or laboured ornament. 
Its energy of thought is tempered by its simplicity and beauty of style. 

" His remarks on the nature of man, and various other topics, 
which incidentally present themselves, display much observation, and 
extensive information. His style is admirably calculated for history. 
Though it is evident the style of the rhetorician does not generally 
become the historian, yet few writers hare preserved this distinction. 
Modern histories are so full of ornament that, in the blaze of elo- 
quence, simple facts are lost and unnoticed, and the pages of the 
professed historian frequently contain little more than profound obser- 
Vations on human life and political institutions. 

" It was the opinion of Dr. Ramsay 'that a historian should be an 
impartial recorder of past events for the information of after ages ;' 
and by this opinion he was always governed. History, that bids hour.s 
which are past to return again, and gives us the experience of a thou- 
sand years in one day, loses half its value when it ceases to be a sim- 
ple record of past events. 

" The reputation of Dr. Ramsay throughout the United States is, 
perhaps, the best criterion of his merits as a writer ; and still the 
value of his works, and particularly of his histories of the revolution, 
can scarcely be said to be properly appreciated by the public. They 
who acted well their parts on the glorious scenes of the revolution, 
could never forget any thing connected with it ; but those who have 
o-rown up since that event, and millions yet unborn, must owe an 
everksting debt of gratitude to David Ramsay. Soon might the 
events of our revolution have been lost in the mists of time, and even 
the memory of our heroes would have gradually faded into oblivion ; 
but in the ' History of the Revolution' is found a monument to their 
memory, more beautiful than man could rear. There their names, 
their virtues, and their noble deeds, are inscribed on tablets more du- 
rable than brass. Never can they be forgotten. The American his- 
torian has secured to them immortality of fame." 

In private life. Dr. Ramsay was distinguished for philanthropy, en. 
terprise, industry, and perseverance. His enterprises, however, had 



LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. XVII 

for their object the good of others rather than his own emolument. 
He was alike regardless of wealth, and free from ambition, and his 
active philanthropy only made him an author. His active mind was 
ever devising means for the improvement of the moral, social, intellec- 
tual and physical state of his beloved country — to extend the benefits 
of education to every family — to extend Christian knowledge and pri- 
vileges, and to promote commerce and internal improvexnents — in 
each of these objects he was persevering and enthusiastick. 

It was, however, the weak point of his character, that he was not a 
judge of the affairs of the world. From few of his enterprises, there- 
fore, did he derive pecuniary benefit, and from others he sustained 
heavy losses. By the Santee Canal, in South Carolina, alone, of 
which he was one of the projectors, he sustained a loss of 30,000 
dollars. His affairs were therefore embarrassed, and he left little in- 
heritance to eight surviving children but his works and his reputation. 

In society, Dr. Ramsay was a most agreeable companion. His 
memory was stored with an infinite fund of interesting or amusing 
anecdotes, which gave great sprightliness and zest to his conversation. 
He never assumed ji superiority over those with whom he conversed, 
and always took peculiar pleasure in the society of young men of in- 
telligence and virtue. 

As a husband and a father, and in every domestick relation of Mfe, 
he was alike exemplary. His firm religious faith, and reliance upon 
a particular and just Providence, supported him amidst many trials 
and misfortunes which attended bis declining days. Three times was 
he called to mourn over ihe graves of his dearest eaitiiij' nicnuo. a. 
son, grown to manhood, who promised fair to imitate his father's vir- 
tues, was suddenly cut down. A tender and excellent wife, the mother 
of his eight surviving children, was torn from his embrace, and con- 
signed to the tomb. But amidst the troubled waters of misfortune^ 
he stood like a rock, and though its waves broke over him, he was 
firm and immoveable. 

His death was sudden and tragical. He fell by the hand of an 
assassin whom he never wronged, but whom, on the contrary, he had 
humanely endeavovired to serve. A man by the name of Linnen, a 
tailor by trade, conceiving himself wronged in some lawsuits, had 
committed several acts of violence, among which was an attempt 
upon the life of his attorney, whom he severely wounded. For this 
act he was cast into prison. Under a plea of derangement, Dr. Ram- 
say and Dr. Simmons were appointed by the court to examine and 
report upon his case. They concurring in the opinion that Linnen 
was deranged, and that it would be dangerous to let him go at large, he 
was confined until exhibiting symptoms of returning sanity. When 
at large he behaved peaceably for sometime, but was heard to declare, 
that "he would kill the doctors who had joined the conspiracy against 
him." This threat was communicated to Dr. Ramsay, but conscious 
of having given no cause of offence, he disregarded it. On Saturday,, 
the 6th of May, 1815, Dr. Ramsay was met in Broad-street, about 
one o'clock in the afternoon, in sight of his own door, by the wretched 
maniack, who passed by, and taking a large horse-pistol out of a 
handkerchief in which it was concealed, shot the doctor in the back. 



XVm LIFE OF THE AUTHOB. 

The pistol was charged with three bullets ; one passed through thc 
coat without doing any injury, one entered the hip and passed out at 
the groin, and the third entered the back near the kidneys, and lodged 
in the intestines. Having been carried home, and being surrounded 
by a crowd of anxious citizens, after first calling their attention to what 
he was about to utter, he said, " I know not if these wounds be mor- 
tal ; I am not afraid to die ; but should that be my fate, I call on all 
here present to bear witness, that I consider the unfortunate perpetra- 
tor of this deed a lunatick, and free from guilt." During the two days 
that he lingered on the bed of death, he alone could survey, without 
emotion, the approaching end of his life. Death had for him no 
terrours ; and on Monday, the eighth of May, about seven in the 
morning, 

" He gave his honours to the world again, 
His blessed part to heaven, and slept in peace." 

Such was the life, the character, and the death, of David Ramsay. 
His numerous virtues were, indeed, alloyed by some faults; but 
whatever they were, they were such as sprung from the head, not 
from the heart. Let his country, whom he faithfully served, and 
whose history he endeavoured faithfully to record and perpetuate, do 
justice to his memory. 



THE LIFE 

OF 

GEORGE WASHINGTON 



CHAP. I. 



Of George Washington's birth, family, and education— Of his mission to 
the French commandant on the Ohio, in 1753 — His mihtary operations 
as an officer of Virginia, from 1754 to 1758, and his subsequent em- 
ployments to the commencement of the American Revolution. 

1753—1758. 

The ancestors of George Washington were among the 
first settlers of the oldest British colony in America. He 
was the third in descent from John Washington, an En- 
glish gentleman, who about the middle of the 17th century 
emigrated from the north of England, and settled in West- 
moreland county. Virginia. In the place where he had 
fixed himself, his great grandson, the subject of the following 
history, was born on the 22d of February, 1732. His im- 
mediate ancestor was Augustine Washington, who died 
when his son George was only ten years old.* The educa- 
tion of the young orphan, of course, devolved on his mother, 
who added one to the many examples of virtuous matrons, 
who, devoting themselves to the care of their children, 
have trained them up to be distinguished citizens. In one 
instance her fears, combining with her affection, prevented 
a measure, which, if persevered in, would have given a 
direction to the talents and views of her son, very different 
from that which laid the foundation of his fame. George 
Washington, when only fifteen years old, solicited and ob- 
tained the place of a midshipman in the British navy ; but 
his ardent zeal to serve his country, then at war with 

* George was the third son, and the first of a second marriage. To 
his brother Lawrence, the oldest surviving, by the first marriage, the 
family estate descended. 



20 THE LIFE OF 

France and Spain, was, on the interference of his motlter, 
for the present suspended, and for ever diverted from the sea 
service.* She Hved to see him acquire higher honours 
than he ever could have obtained as a naval officer ; nor 
did she depart this life till he was elevated to the first offices, 
both civil and military, in the gift of his country. She 
was, nevertheless, from the influence of long established 
habits, so fur from beinc: partial to the American revolution, 
that she often regretted the side her son had taken in the 
controversy between her king and her country. f 

In the minority of George Washington, the means of 
education in America were scanty ; his was therefore very 
little extended beyond what is common, except in mathe- 
maticks. Knowledge of this kind contributes more perhaps 
than any other to strengthen the mind. In this case it was 
doubly useful; for, in the early part of his life, it laid the 
foundation of his fortune, by qualifying him for tlie office 
of a practical surveyor, at a time when good land was of 
easy attainment ; and its inmate connexion with the mili- 
tary art, enabled him at a later period to judge more cor- 
rectly of the proper means of defending his country, when 
he was called upon to preside over its armies, J 

* Providential circumstances seem also to have prevented his entrance 
and promotion in the regular army of England, into which service, before 
any hostile manifestations between Great Britain and her colonies, he 
was desirous of entering. Governor Dinwiddle, of Virginia, in a letter to 
Gen. Abercrombie, of May, 1756, highly recommended the young Wash- 
ington, as a person of great merit, and much beloved in Virginia, for an 
appointment in a regiment about to be raised for the regular service by 
the Earl of Loudon. 

t This imputation, which must have been generally beheved at the time 
Dr. Ramsay wrote, is refuted by G. W. Custis, Esq. grandson of Mrs. 
Washington, wife of the General, in a biographical sketch of Washing- 
ton's mother, published in the "Female Biography" of Mr. Knapp. 
" Such a surmise" as "that the mother was disposed to favour the royal 
cause," he says, "has not the slightest foundation in truth." Like many 
other patriotick mindS; who nevertheless engaged promptly in the strug- 
gle, she had doubts, at the commencement, of its final success; but with 
them she was happily disappointed ; and, when the news of the surren- 
der of CornwaUis reached her, she raised her hands to heaven and ex- 
claimed, " Thank God, war will now be ended, and peace, independence, 
and happiness, bless our country." 

t The education of Washington, though generally, and doubtless hi 
some respects justly, represented as defective, was not neglected, but 
appears, on the contrary, to have been conducted with great care and 
good judgement. We doubt whether, for the practical course on which 
he was destmed to enter, he could possibly have received a better one. 
He -enjoyed the inestimable benefit of passing his youth in the healthy 



GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 21 

Of the first nineteen years of George Washington's life, 
little is known. His talents being more solid than showy, 
were not sufficiently developed for publick notice, by the 
comparatively unimportant events of that early period. His 
contemporaries have generally reported, that in his youth 
he was grave, silent, and thoughtful ; diligent and methodi- 
cal in business, dignified in his appearance, and strictly 
honourable in all his deportment ; but they have not been 
able to gratify the publick curiosity with any striking an- 
ecdotes.* His patrimonial estate was small, but that little 
was managed with prudence and increased by industry. In 
the gayest period of his life, he was a stranger to dissipation 
and riot. That he had established a solid reputation, even 
in his juvenile years, may be fairly presumed from the 
following circumstances. At the age of nineteen he was 
appointed one of the adjutants-general of Virginia, with 
the rank of major. When he was barely twenty-one, he 
was employed by the government of his native colony, in 
an enterprise which required the prudence of age as well as 
the vigour of youth. 

The French, as the first European discoverers of the river 
Mississippi, claimed all that immense region whose waters 
run into that river. In pursuance of this claim, in the year 
1753, they took possession of a tract of country supposed 
to be within the chartered limits of Virginia, and were pro- 
ceeding to erect a chain of posts from the lakes of Canada 
to the river Ohio, in subserviency to their grand scheme of 
connecting Canada with Louisiana, and limiting the Eng. 
lish colonies to the east of the Alleghany mountains. Mr. 
Dinwiddie, then governor of Virginia, despatched Washing- 
atmosphere of home .'—his attention was directed to the studies of sub- 
stantial rather than ideal importance, and his morals and manners were 
apparently the objects of earnest solicitude. His earliest papers consist 
of exercises in arithmetick, geometry, and surveying, executed vith great 
neatness and accuracy. In a book, dated when he was thirteen years 
old, there is a manuscript, occupying thirty folio pages, entitled Forms 
of Writing, consisting of models for papers to be used in the transaction 
of business, such as a note of hand, a bill of exchange, a bond, an inden- 
ture, a lease, and a will. In the same book there is another curious 
article, entitled. Rules of civility and decent behaviour in company and 
conversation, containing one hundred and ten maxims of this descrip- 
tion, carefully written out and numbered. 

* Much light is thrown upon his early history and habits, in the col- 
lection of the Writings of Washington, by Mr. Sparks; an interesting 
but voluminous and expensive work. 

8 



22 THE LIFE OF 

ton with a letter to the French commandant on the Ohio, 
remonstrating against the prosecution of these designs, as 
hostile to the rights of his Britannick majesty. The young 
envoy was also instructed to penetrate the designs of the 
French; to conciliate the affection of the native tribes; 
and to procure useful intelligence. In the discharge of 
this trust, he set out on the 15th of November, from Will's 
Creek, then an extreme frontier settjftment, and pursued his 
course through a vast extent of unexplored wilderness, 
amidst rains and snows, and over rivers of very difficult 
passage, and among tribes of Indians, several of whom, 
from previous attentions of the French, were hostile to the 
English. When his horses were incompetent, he proceeded 
on foot with a g«m in his hand and a pack on his back. He 
observed every thing with the eye of a soldier, particularly 
designated the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany 
rivers, (the spot where Fort Duquesne was afterwards built, 
and where Pittsburgh now stands) as an advantageous posi- 
tion for a fortress. Here he secured the affections of some 
neighbouring Indians, and engaged them to accompany him. 
With them he ascended the Alleghany river and French 
Creek, to a fort on the river le Boeuf, one of its western 
branches. He there found Mons. Le Gardeur de St. Pierre, 
the commandant on the Ohio, and delivered to him Dinwid- 
dle's letter ; and receiving his answer, returned with it to Wil- 
liamsburgh on the 78th day after he had received his appoint- 
ment. The patience and firmness displayed on this occa- 
sion by Washington, (added to his judicious treatment of 
the Indians) both merited and obtained a large share of 
applause. A journal of the whole was published, and inspir- 
ed the publick with high ideas of the energies both of his 
body and mind. 

The French were too intent on their favourite project 
of extending their empire in America, to be diverted from 
it by the remonstrances of a colonial governour. The an- 
swer brought by Washington was such as induced the as- 
sembly of Virginia to raise a regiment of 800 men, to de- 
fend their frontiers and maintain the right claimed in behalf 
of Great Britain over the disputed territory. Of this 
Mr. Fry was appointed colonel, and George Washington, 
lieutenant-colonel. The latter advanced with two com- 
panies of this regiment early in April, as far as the 
Great Meadows, where he was informed by some friendly 



OEOBGE WASHIXGTON. 23 

Indians, that the French were- erecting fortifications in the 
fork between the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers ; and 
also, that a detachment was on its march from that place 
towards the Great Meadows. War had not been yet formal- 
ly declared between France and England, but as neither 
was disposed to recede from their claims to the lands on the 
Ohio, it was deemed inevitable, and on the point of com- 
mencing. Several circumstances were supposed to indicate 
an hostile intention on the part of the advancing French 
detachment. Washington, under guidance of some friend- 
ly Indians, in a dark night surprised their encampment, and, 
after firing once, rushed in and surrounded them. The com- 
manding officer, Mr. Jumonville, was killed, one person es- 
caped, and all the rest immediately surrendered.* Soon 
after this affair Col. Fry died, and the command of the 
regiment devolved on Washington, who speedily collected 
the whole at the Great Meadows. Two independent com- 
panies of regulars, one from New York, and one from South- 
Carolina, shortly after arrived at the same place. Col. 
Washington was now at the head of nearly 400 men. A 
stockade, afterwards called Fort Necessity, was erected at 
the Great Meadows, in which a small force was left, and the 
main body advanced with a view of dislodging the French 
from Fort Duquesne, which they had recently erected, at the 
confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers They 
had not proceeded more than thirteen miles, when they 
were informed by friendly Indians, " that the French, as 
numerous as pigeons in the woods, were advancing in an 
hostile manner towards the English settlements, and also, 
that Fort Duquesne, had been recently and strongly rein- 
forced." In this critical situation, a council of war unan- 
imously recommended a retreat to the Great Meadows, 
which was eflfected without delay, and every exertion made 
to render Fort Necessity tenable. Before the works intend- 
ed for that purpose were completed, Mons. de Viliier, with 
a considerable force, attacked the fort. The assailants 

* It was alleged by the French commandant at the time, and the 
calumny was afterwards repeated by the enemies of Washington, and 
found a place in the works of several respectable French historians, that 
Jumonville was killed, or assassinated, in cold blood, while parleying 
with Washington's detachment, and reading a communication from his 
commanding officer. From this charge Washington is triumphaniJy 
vindicated by Mr. Sparks, in his Collection, vol. 2, page 447. 



24 THE LIFE OF 

were covered by trees and high grass. The Americans re- 
ceived them with great resokition, and fought some within 
the stockade, and others in the surrounding ditch. Wash- 
ington continued the whole day on the outside of the fort, 
and conducted the defence with the greatest coolness and 
intrepidity. The engagement lasted from ten in the morn- 
ing till night, when the French commander demanded a 
parley, and offered terms of capitulation. His first and 
second proposals were rejected ; and Washington would ac- 
cept of none short of the following honourable ones, which 
were mutually agreed upon in the course of the night. 
" The fort to be surrendered on condition that the garrison 
should march out with the honours of war, and be permitted 
to retain their arms and baggage, and to march unmolested 
into the inhabited parts of Virginia." The legislature of 
Virginia, impressed with a high sense of the bravery and 
good conduct of their troops, though compelled to surrender 
the fort, voted their thanks to Col. Washington and the offi- 
cers under his command, and they also gave three hundred 
pistoles to be distributed among the soldiers engaged in this 
action, but made no arrangements for renewing offensive 
operations in the remainder of the year 1754. When the 
season for action was over, the regiment was reduced to in- 
dependent companies, and Washington resigned his com- 
mand. 

The controversy about the Ohio lands, which began in 
Virginia, was taken up very seriously by Great Britain, and 
two British regiments were sent to America to support the 
claims of his Britannick majesty. They arrived early in 
1755, and were commanded by Gen. Braddock. That offi- 
cer, being informed of the talents of George Washington, 
invited him to serve the campaign as a volunteer aid-de- 
camp. The invitation was cheerfully accepted, and Wash- 
ington joined General Braddock near Alexandria, and pro- 
ceeded with him to Will's Creek, afterwards called Fort 
Cumberland. Here the army was detained till the 12th of 
June, waiting for wagons, horses, and provisions. Wash- 
ington had early recommended the use of pack horses, 
instead of wagons, for conveying the baggage of the army. 
The propriety of this advice soon became apparent, and a 
considerable change was made in conformity to it. The 
army had not advanced much more than ten miles from 



GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 25 

Fort Cumberland, when Washington was seized with a vio- 
lent fever, but nevertheless continued with the army, being 
conveyed in a covered wagon, after he had refused to stay 
behind, though so much exhausted as to be unable to ride on 
horseback. He advised the general to leave his heavy ar- 
tillery and baggage behind, and to advance rapidly to Fort 
Duquesne, with a select body of troops, a few necessary 
stores, and some pieces of light artillery. Hopes were in- 
dulged that by this expeditious movement. Fort Duquesne 
might be reached in its present weak state, with a force 
sufficient to reduce it, before expected reinforcements should 
arrive. Gen. Braddock approved the scheme, and submit- 
ted it to the consideration of a council held at the Little 
Meadows, which recommended that the commander in chief 
should advance as rapidly as possible with 1200 selectmen, 
and that Col. Dunbar should remain behind with the re- 
mainder of the troops and the heavy baggage. This ad- 
vanced corps commenced its march with only 30 carriages, 
but did not proceed with the rapidity that was expected. 
They frequently halted to level the road, and to build bridges 
over inconsiderable brooks. They consumed four days in 
passing over the first nineteen miles from the Little Mea- 
dows. At this place, the physicians declared that Colonel 
Washington's life would be endangered by advancing with 
the army. He was therefore ordered by Gen. Braddock to 
stay behind with a small guard till Dunbar should arrive 
with the rear of the army. As soon as his strength would 
permit, he joined the advanced detachment, and immediately 
entered on the duties of his office. On the next day, July 
9th, a dreadful scene took place. When Braddock had 
crossed the Monongahela, and was only a few miles from, 
Fort Duquesne, and was pressing forward without any ap- 
prehension of danger, he was attacked in an open road, thick 
set with grass. An invisible enemy, consisting of French 
and Indians, commenced a heavy and v/ell directed fire on 
his uncovered troops. Tlie van fell back on the main body,, 
and the whole was thrown into disorder. Marksmen level- 
led their pieces particularly at officers, and others on horse- 
back. In a short time, Washington was the only aid-de- 
camp left alive and not wounded. On him, therefore, de- 
volved the whole duty of carrying the general's orders. He 
was of course obliged to be constantly in motion, traversing 

3* 



26 THE LIFE OF 

the field of battle on horseback in all directions. He had 
two horses shot under hira, and four bullets passed through 
his coat, but he escaped unhurt, though every other officer 
on horseback was either killed or wounded. Providence 
preserved him for further and greater services.* Through- 
out the whole of the carnage and confusion of this fatal day, 
Washington displayed the greatest coolness and the most 
perfect self-possession. Braddock was undismayed amidst 
a shower of bullets, and by his countenance and example, 
encouraged his men to stand their ground ; but valour was 
useless, and discipline only offered surer marks to the des- 
tructive aim of unseen marksmen. Unacquainted with the 
Indian mode of fighting, Braddock neither advanced upon 
nor retreated from the assailants, but very injudiciously en- 
deavoured to form his broken troops on the ground where 
they were first attacked, and where they were exposed un- 
covered to the incessant galling fire of a sheltered enemy. 
He had been cautioned of the danger to which he was ex- 
posed, and was advised to advance the provincials in front 
of his troops, to scour the woods and detect ambuscades, 
but he disregarded the salutary recommendation. The ac- 
tion lasted near three hours, in the course of which the ge- 
neral had three horses shot under him, and finally received 
a wound, of which he died in a few days in the camp of 
Dunbar, to which he had been brought by Col. Washington 

* Fifteen years afterwards, Washington, in company with Dr. Craik, 
his intimate friend, who was with him in the battle, was travelling on an 
expedition to the western country. While near the junction of the Great 
Kenhawa and Ohio rivers, a company of Indians came to them with an 
interpreter, at the head of whom was an aged and venerable chief. This 
personage made known to them by the interpreter, that hearing Colonel 
Washington was in that region, he had come along way to visit him, 
adding, that during the battle of the Monongahela, he had singled him 
out as a conspicuous object, fired his rifle at him many times, and direct- 
ed his young warriors to do the same, but to his utter astonishment none 
of their balls took effect. He was then persuaded that the youthful hero 
was under the special guardianship of the Great Spirit, and ceased to 
fire at him any longer. He was now come to pay homage to the nian 
who was the particular favourite of Heaven and who could never die in 
battle. Mr. Custis of Arhngton, to whom these incidents were related 
by Dr. Craik, has dramatised them in a piece called the Indian Prophe- 
cy. — Sparks. 

Upon this occasion, the Rev. Mr. Davies, a clergyman in Virginia, in a 
sermon preached soon after Braddock's defeat, made this proplietick re- 
mark, in reference to the preservation of Col. Washington: "I cannot 
but hope that Providence has preserved this youth to be the saviour of 
this country." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27 

and others. On the fall of Braddock, his troops gave way 
in all directions, and could not be rallied till they had cross, 
ed the Monongahela. The Indians allured by plunder, did 
not pursue with vigour. The vanquished regulars soon fell 
back to Dunbar's camp, from which, after destroying such 
of their stores as could be spared, they retired to Philadel- 
phia. The officers in the British regiments displayed the 
greatest bravery. Their whole number was 85, and 64 of 
them were killed or wounded. The common soldiers were 
so disconcerted by the unusual mode of attack, that they 
soon broke, and could not be rallied. The three Virginia 
companies in the engagement behaved very differently, and 
fought like men till there were scarcely 30 men left alive in 
the whole. This reverse of fortune rather added to, than 
took from, the reputation of Washington. His countrymen 
extolled his conduct, and generally said and believed, that 
if he had been commander, the disasters of the day would 
have been avoided.* 

Intelligence of Braddock's defeat, and that Col. Dunbar 
had withdrawn all the regular forces from Virginia, arrived 
while the assembly of that colony was in session. Impress- 
ed with the necessity of protecting their exposed frontier 
settlements, they determined to raise a regiment of sixteen 
companies. The command of this was given to Washing- 
ton. So great was the public confidence in the soundness 
of his judgement, that he was authorized to name the field 
officers. His commission also designated him as command- 
er in chief of all the forces raised, or to be raised, in Vir- 
ginia. 

In execution of the duties of his new office, Washington,, 
after giving the necessary orders for the recruiting service, 
visited the frontiers. He found many posts, but few soldiers* 
Of these the best disposition was made. While on his way 
to Williamsburg to arrange a plan of operations with the 
lieutenant-governor, he was overtaken by an express below 

* Among other unheeded advice, Washington endeavoured to dissuade 
Braddock from forming his army in the European manner. But he was 
an obstinate disciplinarian of the European school, and knew nothing of" 
the Indian mode of warfare. To this obstinacy he fell a victim, and 
Washington received him, when mortally wounded, in his arms. In this 
same engagement, with Washington, were Gen. Lee, Gen. Gates, and 
Gen. Stevens— all of them afterwards distinguished in the army of the 
Revolution. 



28 THE LIFE OP 

Fredericksburg, with information that the back settlements 
were broken up by parties of French and Indians, who were 
murdering and capturing men, women, and children, burn- 
ing their houses, and destroying their crops, and that the few 
troops stationed on the frontiers, unable to protect the coun- 
try, had retreated to small stockade forts, Washington al- 
tered his course from Williamsburg to Winchester, and en- 
deavoured to collect a force for the defence of the country. 
But this was impossible. The inhabitants, instead of as- 
sembling in arms, and facing the invaders, fled before them, 
and extended the general par.ick. While the attention of in. 
dividuals was engrossed by their families and private con- 
cerns, the general safety was neglected. The alarm became 
universal, and the utmost confusion prevailed.* Before any 
adequate force was collected to repel the assailants, they 
had safely crossed the Alleghany mountains, after having 
done an immensity of mischief. Irruptions of this kind 
were repeatedly made into the frontier settlements of Vir- 
ginia, in the years 1756, '57, and '58. These generally con- 
sisted of a considerable number of French and Indians, who 
were detached from Fort Duquesne. It was their usual 
practice on their approaching the settlements, to divide into 
small parties, and avoiding the forts, to attack solitary fami- 
lies in the night, as well as the day. The savages, accus- 
tomed to live in the woods, found little difficulty in conceal- 
ing themselves till their fatal blow was struck. Sundry 
unimportant skirmishes took place, with various results, but 
the number killed on both sides was inconsiderable, when 
compared with the mischief done, and the many who were 
put to death, otherwise than in battle. The invaders could 

♦ In a letter to Gov. Dinwiddle, Oct. 11, 1755, Washington gives rather 
a ludicrous example, in confirmation of this general cowardice, so differ- 
ent from the spirit which actuated the patriolick people of Virginia during 
the revolutionary struggle. After mentioning the particulars of a false 
alarm, he says, "These circumstances are related, only to show what a 
panick prevails among the people; how much they are alarmed with the 
most usual and customary cries, and yet how impossible it is to get them 
to act in any respect for their common safety. As an instance of this, 
Colonel Fairfax, who arrived in town while we were upon a scout, im^ 
mediately sent to a noble captain not far off, to repair with his company 
forthwith to Winchester, With coolness and motieration, this, great cap- 
tain answered, that his wife, family and com, were all at stake — so 

were his soldiers ; therefore, it was impossible for him to come.. Such is 
the example of the officers ; such the behaviour of the men ; and upon 
such circumstances depends the safety of our country 1" 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29 

seldom be brought to a regular engagement. Honourable 
war was not in their contemplation. Plunder, devastation, 
and murder, were their objects. The assemblage of a res- 
pectable force to oppose them, was their signal for retreat, 
ing. Irruptions of this kind were so frequent for three years 
following Braddock's defeat, that in Pennsylvania, the fron- 
tier settlers were driven back as far as Carlisle, and in Ma- 
ryland, to Fredericktown, and in Virginia, to the Blue Ridge, 
The distresses of the inhabitants exceeded all description. 
If they went into stockade forts, they suffered from the want 
of provisions — were often surrounded, and sometimes cut off. 
By fleeing, they abandoned the conveniences of home, and 
the means of support. If they continued on their farms, 
they lay down every night under apprehensions of being 
murdered before morning. But this was not the worst. 
Captivity and torture were frequently their portion. To all 
these evils, women, aged persons, and children, were equally 
liable with men in arms ; for savages make no distinction. 
Extermination is their object. To Washington the inhab- 
itants looked for that protection he had not the means of 
giving. In a letter to the governour, he observed, " the sup- 
plicating tears of the women, and moving petitions of the 
men, melt me with such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly de- 
clare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing 
sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would con- 
tribute to the people's ease." Virginia presented a frontier 
of three hundred and sixty miles, exposed to these incursions. 
Hard was the lot of Washington, to whom was intrusted the 
defence of these extensive settlements without means ade- 
quate to the purpose. The regiment voted by the assembly 
was never filled. Its actual number was oftener below than 
above 700 men. The militia afforded a very feeble aid, on 
which little reliance could be placed. They were slow in 
collecting, and when collected, soon began to hanker after 
home ; and while in camp, could not submit to that disci- 
pline, without which an army is a mob. The militia laws 
were very defective. Cowardice in time of action, and 
sleeping while on duty, though crimes of the most destruc- 
tive nature, were very inadequately punished by the civil 
code under which they took the field. Desertion and muti- 
ny, for some considerable time, subjected the offenders to 
nothing more than slight penalties. Washington was in- 



30 THE LIFE OP 

cessant in his representations to the governour and to the as- 
sembly, that no reliance could be placed on the mlHtia, under 
existing regulations, and that the inconsiderable number, en- 
listed for regular service, together with the plans proposed 
for the security of the frontiers, were altogether inadequate. 
He not only pointed out the defects of the systems which 
had been adopted, but submitted to the consideration of those 
in power, such measures as bethought best, and particularly 
recommended, in case offensive operations were not adopted, 
that twenty.two forts, extending in a line of three hundred 
and sixty miles, should be immediately erected and garri- 
soned by two thousand men, in constant pay and service ; 
but on all occasions gave a decided preference to the reduc- 
tion of Fort Duquesne, as the only radical remedy for the 
evils to which the frontier settlements were exposed. Pro- 
positions to this effect were made and urged by him in 1756 
and 1757, both to the government of Virginia, and the com- 
manders in chief of the British forces in America ; but a 
short-sighted policy in the first, and a preference given by 
the last to a vigorous prosecution of the war in the northern 
colonies, prevented their acceptance. To his inexpressibl© 
joy, the project obtained, in the year 1758, the complete ap- 
probation of Gen. Forbes, who was charged with the defence 
of the middle and southern colonies. This being resolved 
upon, the movements of the army were directed to that 
point. Part of the force destined for this expedition was at 
Philadelphia ; part at Ray's Town ; and part dispersed on 
the frontiers of Virginia. To bring all together, was a work 
of time and difficulty. Washington urged the necessity of 
an early campaign ; but such delays took place that he did 
not receive orders to assemble his regiment at Winchester, 
till the 24th of May ; nor to proceed from thence to Fort 
Cumberland, till the 24th of June ; nor to proceed to Ray's 
Town, till the 21st September. The main body did not 
commence their march from Ray's Town till the 2d of Oc- 
tober, and it was as late as the 25th of November when they 
reached Fort Duquesne. These delays were extremely mor- 
tifying to Washington, and threatened to render the cam- 
paign abortive. He urged the necessity of expedition, and 
most pointedly remonstrated against one of the principal 
causes of delay. This was a resolution adopted by his su- 
periours, for opening a new road for the army, in preference 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 

to that which was generally known by the name of Gen. 
Braddock's. Being overruled, he quietly submitted. In- 
stead of embarrassing measures he thought injudicious, the 
whole energies of himself and his regiment were exerted to 
make the most of those which his commanding officer pre- 
ferred. The progress of the army was so slow that it did 
not reach Loyal Hannah till the 5th of November. Here 
it was determined in a council of war, " to be unadvisable 
to proceed any further that campaign." If this resolution 
had been adhered to, the only alternative would have been 
to winter an army of 8000 men in a cold inhospitable wil- 
derness, remote from all friendly settlements, or to tread 
back their steps and wait for a more favourable season. In 
either case they would have suffered immensely. The pro- 
priety of the remonstrances made by Washington against 
the many delays which had taken place, now became obvi- 
ously striking. The hopes of restoring peace to the fron- 
tier settlements by reducing Fort Duquesne, began to vanish. 
But contrary to all human appearances, success was now 
offered to their grasp at the very moment they had given up 
every hope of obtaining it. 

Some prisoners were taken, who gave such information 
of the state of the garrison, as induced a reversal of the late 
determination, and encouraged the general to proceed. — 
Washington was in front superintending the opening of the 
road for the accommodation of the troops. They advanced 
with slow and cautious steps until they reached Fort Du- 
quesne. To their great surprise they found the fort evacu- 
ated, and that the garrison had retreated down the Ohio. 
The reasons for the abandonment of so advantageous a po- 
sition, must be looked for elsewhere. The British had urged 
the war with so much vigour and success against the French 
to the northward of Ohio, that no reinforcements could be 
spared at Fort Duquesne. The British fleet had captured 
a considerable part of the reinforcements designed by France 
for her colonies. The tide of fortune had begun to turn 
against the French in favour of the English. This weak- 
ened the influence of the former over the Indians, and caused 
them to withdraw from the support of the garrison. Under 
different circumstances, the success of the campaign would 
have been doubtful, perhaps impracticable. The benefits 
which resulted from the acquisition of Fort Duquesne, proved 



32 THE LIFE OF 

the soundness of Washington's judgement in so warmly urg- 
ing, for three years, an expedition for its reduction. These 
were not confined to Virginia, but extended to Pennsylva- 
nia and Maryland. While the French were in possession 
of that post, the Indians near the Ohio were entirely at their 
beck. . This was their place of rendezvous, and from it they 
made frequent and ruinous incursions into these three colo- 
nies. They neither spared age nor sex, but killed or capti- 
vated indiscriminately all who came in their way. Fire 
and devastation — the scalping knife and tomahawk, marked 
their route. A complete revolution in the disposition of the 
Indians, resulted from the expulsion of the French. Always 
prone to take part with the strongest, the Indians deserted 
their ancient friends, and paid court to those who, by recent 
conquest, were now in possession of the country. A treaty 
of peace was soon afterwards concluded with all the Indian 
tribes between the lakes and the Ohio. Fort Duquesne 
henceforward assumed the name of Fort Pitt, received con- 
siderable repairs, and was garrisoned by 200 men from 
Washington's regiment. It became as useful in future to 
the Enghsh settlements, as it had been injurious while in 
the occupation of the French. 

The campaign of 1758 ended the military career of Col. 
Washington, as a provincial officer. The great object on 
which his heart was set, the reduction of Fort Duquesne, 
being accomplished, he resigned his commission. 

During the three preceding years in which he was charged 
with the defence of Virginia, none of those great events oc- 
curred which enliven and adorn the page of history ; yet 
the duties he performed were extremely arduous. He es- 
tablished exact discipline in his regiment, though unaccus- 
tomed to restraint, and infused into them such a spirit as 
made them, when in action, fight like men, and die like 
soldiers. 

The difficulties of defending such an extensive frontier, 
with so inadequate a force, would have chagrined almost 
any other man into a resignation of the command, but only 
excited in him greater importunity with the ruling powers, 
for the correction of errors. The plans he proposed, the 
systems he recommended for conducting the war, displayed 
an uncommon vigour of mind. He retired from the army 
with the thanks of his regiment, and the esteem not only of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33 

his countrymen, but of the officers of the British army ; 
and what is particularly remarkable, with the undiminished 
confidence of the frontier settlers, to whom he was unable 
to extend that protection they expected from his hands. 
They were thoroughly convinced he had made the best pos- 
sible use of his scanty means for the security of so exten- 
sive a frontier ; and to the weight of his advice in recom- 
mending, and spirited co operation in executing, they as- 
cribed a large proportion of the merit of the late successful 
expedition against Fort Duquesne ; an event from which 
they promised themselves an exemption from the calamities 
under which they had long laboured. As a reward of his 
gallant and patriotick services, he shortly after obtained the 
hand of Mrs. Custis, who, to a tine person and large fortune, 
added every accomplishment which contributes to the hap- 
piness of married life.* Col. Washington, by the death of 
his elder brother Lawrence, had a few years before acquired 
an estate situated on the Potomack, called Mount Vernon, 
in compliment to admiral Vernon, who, about the year 1741, 
commanded the British fleet in an expedition against Car- 
thagena, in which expedition Mr. Lawrence Washington 
%cd been engaged. 

To this delightful spot the late commander of the Virginia 

* She was the widow of John Parke Custis ; was about three months 
younger than Wsh ington; had two children, a son and a daughter; 
had a large landed estate, and 45,000 pounds sterling in money, one third 
of which she held in her own right. Chastellux speaks of her in 1780, 
as " about forty or forty-five, rather plump, but fresh, and of an agreea- 
ble face ;" and his translator adds, in a note, " I had the pleasure of pass- 
mg a day or two with Mrs. Washington, at the general's house in Vir- 
ginia, where she appeared to me to be one of the best women in the 
world, and beloved by all about her. She has no family by the general, 
but was surrounded by her grand-children, and by Mrs, Custis, her son's 
widovv." She was particularly distinguished through life for her domes- 
tick virtues; and survived the general only about eighteen months. 

His marriage took place the 6th of January, 1759 ; and it may not be un- 
interesting to give here, a proof of Washington's previous susceptibility to 
the tender pastsion— which is furnished in a^letter to a friend, in 1748. " My 
place of residence is at present at his lordship's, [Lord Fairfax's] where I 
might, were my heart disengaged, pass my time very pleasantly, as there 
is a very agreeable young lady in the same house, Col. George Fairfax's 
wife's sister. But that only adds fuel to the fire, as being often and una- 
voidably in company with her, revives my former passion for your low- 
iani beauty ; whereas, were I to live more retired from young women, I 
might in some measure alleviate my sorrows, by burying that chaste and 
troublesome passion in oblivion ; and I am very well assured that thi? 
will be the only antidote or remedy." 
4 



34 THE LIFE OF 

forces, released from the cares of a military life, and in pos- 
session of every thing that could make life agreeable, with- 
drew, and gave himself up to domestick pursuits. These 
were conducted with so much judgement, steadiness, and 
industry, as greatly to enlarge and improve his estate. To 
them he exclusively devoted himself for fifteen years, with 
the exception of serving in the house of burgesses of the 
colony of Virginia, and as a judge of the court of the county 
in which he resided.* In these stations he acquitted himself 
with reputation, and acquired no inconsiderable knowledge in 
the science of civil government. Puring this period, the 
clashing claims of Great Britain and her colonies were fre- 
quently brought before the Virginia legislature. In every 
instance he took a decided part in the opposition made to 
the principle of taxation claimed by the parent state. 

Had Great Britain been wise, the history of George 
Washington would have ended here, with the addition that 
he died in the sixty-eighth year of his age, having sustained 
through life the character of a good man, an excellent far- 
mer, a wise member of the legislature, and an impartial 
distributor of justice among his neighbours. Very differ- 
ent was his destiny. From being the commander of the 
forces of his native colony, Virginia, he was advanced to 
the command of the armies of thirteen United Colonies, 
and successfully led them through a revolutionary war of 
eight years duration, which issued in their establishment as 
thirteen United States. The origin of these great events 
must be looked for across the Atlantick. 

* He was first elected to the house of burgesses in 1758, and took his 
seat shortly after his marriage. An interesting incident occurred on this 
occasion, which is thus related by Mr. Wirt, in his life of Patrick Henry. 
" By a vote of the house, the Speaker, Mr. Robinson, was directed to re- 
turn their thanks to Mr. Washington, in behalf of the colony, for the 
distinguished military services which he had rendered to his country. 
As soon as Col. Washington took his seat in the assembly, the Speaker, 
in obedience to the order of the house, and following his own generous 
and grateful heart, discharged the duty with great dignity, but with such 
warmth of colouring and strength of expression, as entirely to confound 
the young hero. He rose to express his acknowledgements for the 
honour, but such was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not give 
distinct utterance to a syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled 
for a second, when the Speaker relieved him by a stroke of address, that 
would have done honour to Louis XIV, in his proudest and happiest 
momen-t. "Sit down, Mr. Washington," said he, with a conciliating 
smile, " your modesty is equal to your valour, and that is saying more 
for it than I could possibly express m any other language." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3$ 



CHAP. II. 

Retrospect of the origin of the American revolutionary war— Of George 
Washington as member of Congress, in 1774 and 1775— As Commander 
in Chief of the armies of the United Colonies in 1775 and 1776, and his 
operations near Boston, in these years. 

1774--1776. 

Soon after the peace of Paris, 1763, a Dew system for 
governing the British colonies, was adopted. One abridge- 
ment of their accustomed liberties followed another in such 
rapid succession, that in the short space of twelve years 
they had nothing left they could call their own. The Bri- 
tish parliament, in which they were unrepresented, and over 
which they had no controul, not only claimed, but exercised 
the power of taxing them at pleasure, and of binding them 
in all cases whatsoever. 

Claims so repugnant to the spirit of the British constitu- 
tion, and which made such invidious distinctions between 
the subjects of the same king, residing on different sides of 
the Atlantick, excited a serious alarm among the colonists. 
Detached as they were from each other by local residence, 
and unconnected in their several legislatures, a sense of 
common danger pointed out to them the wisdom and pro- 
priety of forming a new representative body, composed of 
delegates from each colony, to take care of their common 
interests. 

With very little previous concert, such a body was form- 
ed and met in Philadelphia, in Septemher, 1774, and entered 
into the serious consideration of the grievances under which 
their constituents laboured. To this congress Virginia de- 
puted seven of her most respectable citizens : Peyton Ran- 
dolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick 
Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pen- 
dleton ; men who would have done honour to any age or 
country. The same were appointed in like manner to at- 
tend a second congress on the 10th of May, in the following 
year. The historians of the American revolution will de- 



36 THE LtFE OP 

tail with pleasure and pride, the proceedings of this ilhistri- 
ous assembly : the firmness and precision with which they 
stated their grievances, and petitioned their sovereign to 
redress them ; the eloquence with which they addressed the 
people of Great Britain, the inhabitants of Canada, and 
their own constituents; the judicious measures they adopted 
for cementing union at home, and procuring friends abroad. 
They will also inform the world of the unsuccessful termi- 
nation of all plans proposed for preserving the union of the 
empire, and that Great Britain, proceeding from one op- 
pression to another, threw the colonies out of her protection, 
made war upon them, and carried it on with a view to their 
subjugation. All these matters, together with the com- 
mencement of hostilities at Lexington, and the formation of 
an American army by the colony of Massachusetts, for de- 
fending themselves against a royal army in Boston, must 
be here passed over. Our business is only with George 
Washington. The fame he had acquired as commander of 
the Virginia forces, together with his well known military 
talents, procured for him the distinguishing appellation of 
the Soldier of America. These who, before the commence- 
ment of hostilities, looked forward to war as the probable 
consequence of the disputes between Great Britain and her 
colonies, anticipated his appointment to the supreme com- 
mand of the forces of his native country. 

As long as he continued a member of Congress, he was 
chairman of every committee appointed by that body to 
make arrangements for defence.* These duties in the Sen- 
ate were soon superseded by more active employment in the 
field. As soon as the Congress of the United Colonies had 
determined on making a common cause with Massachusetts, 
against which a British army had commenced hostilities, 
they appointed, by an unanimous vote, George Washington 
commander in chief of all the forces raised or to be raised 
for the defence of the colonies. His election was accom- 



* In the transactions of tliis body, Washington took an active part, 
and a deep and penetrating interest; and. according to Mr Wirt, hia 
character was at that time justly appreciated by Patrick Hcriiy. On 
returning from the fiirgt Congress, Mr. Henry was asked, "Whom he 
thought the greatest mfin in Congress'?" He rcphed, " U yon speak of 
eloquence, Mr. Rutlege, of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator ; 
but if you speak of solid information and sound judgement. Colonel 
Washington is, unquestionably, the greatest man upon that floor." 



GfiORGB WASttiNGTON. 37 

panied with no competition, and followed by no envy. The 
same general impulse on the publick mind, which led the 
colonies to agree in many other particulars, pointed to him 
as the most proper person for presiding over their armies * 
To the president of Congress announcing this appoint, 
ment, General Washington i-eplied in the following words i 

" Mr. President, 

" Though I am truly sensible of the high honour done me 
in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a con- 
sciousness that my abilities and military experience may 
not be equal to the extensive and important trust. How- 
ever, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momen- 
tous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, 
and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will ac* 
cept my most cordial thanks, for this distinguished testimony 
of their approbation. 

" But lest some unlucky event should happen unfavour- 
able to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every 
gentleman in the room, that I this day declare with the ut- 
most sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command 
I am honoured with. 

" As to pay, Sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress that 
as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to 
accept this arduous employment^ at the expense of my do- 
mestick ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any pro- 
fit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses ; 
those I doubt not they will discharge^ and that is all I 
desire." 

A special commission was madfe out for him, and at the 
same time a unanimous resolution was adopted by Con- 
gress, " that they would maintain and assist him, and 
adhere to him with their lives and fortunes, for the main- 
tenance and preservation of American Liberty." 

He immediately entered on the duties of his high station.']' 

* His appointment was first suggested by John Adams, of Massachu- 
setts, and the nomination was made by Thomas Johnson, of Maryland. 
The choice was by ballot, and unanimous. 

t Washmgton announced this appointment to his wife, in the only 
letter to her which has been preserved, dated Philadelphia, ISth June, 
1775, as follows : 

" My Dearest— I am now set down to Write to you on a subject which 
fills me with inexpressible concern, and this concern is greatly aggrava- 
ted and increased, when I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give 

4* 



38 THE LIFE OF 

After passing a few days in New York, and 
arrangements with Gen, Schuyier, who commanded there, 
he proceeded to Cambridge, which was the head quarters of 
the American army. On his way thither, he received from 
private persons and pubiick bodies, the most flattering at- 
tention, and the strongest expressions of determination to 
support him. He received an address from the Provincial 
Congress of New York, in which, after expressing their ap- 
probation of his elevation to command, they say — " We 
have the fullest assurances, that whenever this important 
contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each Ameri- 
can soul, an accommodation with our mother country, you 
will cheerfully resign the important deposite committed into 
your hands, and re-assume the character of our worthiest 
citizen." The General, after declaring his gratitude for* 
the respect shown him, added — " Be assured that every ex- 
ertion of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be extended 
to the re-establishment of peace and harmony between the 

you. It has been determined in Congress, that the whole army raised 
for the defence of the American cause shall be put under my care, and 
that it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to Boston to take upon 
me the command of it. 

" You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I assure you, in the most 
solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used 
every endeavour in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness 
to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a 
trust too great for my capacity, and that I should enjoy more real happi- 
ness in one month with you at home, than I have the most distant pros- 
pect of finding abroad, if my stay was to be seven times seven years. 
But as it has lx;en a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon this service, 
I shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good pur- 
pose. You might, and I suppose did perceive, from the tenour of my let- 
ters, that I was- apprehensive Itould not avoid this appointment, as I did 
not pretend to intimate when I should return. That was the case. It 
was utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment, without exposing 
my character to such censures as would have retiected dishonour upon 
myself, and given pain to my friends. This, I am sure, could not, and 
ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must have lessened me considerably 
in my own esteem. I shall rely, therefore, confidently on that Provi- 
dence, which has heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me, not 
doubting but that I shall return safe to you in the fall. I shall feel no 
pain from the toil or the danger of the campaign ; my unhappiness will 
flow from the uneasmess 1 know you will feel from being left alone. I 
therefore beg that you will stuninon your whole fortitude, and pass your 
time as agreeably as possible. Nothing will give me so much sincere 
satisfaction as to hea^- this, and to hear it from your own pen. My ear- 
nest and ardent desire is, that you would pursue any plan that is most 
likely to produce eo-ntent, and a tolerable degree of tranquillity; as it 
nmst add greatly to my uneasy feelings to hear that you are dissatisfie<^ 
or complaining, at what I really could not avoid." 



GEOBGE WASHINGTON. 39 

mother country and theso colonies. As to the fatal but 
necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier 
we did not lay aside the citizen, and we shall most sincere- 
ly rejoice with you in that happy hour, when the re- estab- 
lishment of American liberty, on the most firm and solid 
foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations, 
in the bosom of a free, peaceful, and happy country." 

A committee from the Massachusetts Congress received 
him at Springfield, about one hundred miles from Boston, and 
conducted him to the army. He was soon after addressed 
by the Congress of that colony in the most affectionate 
manner. In his answer, he said — " Gentlemen, your kind 
congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand my 
warm.est acknowledgements, and will ever be retained in 
grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments of 
domestick life for the duties of my present honourable, but 
arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and publick spirit 
of the whole province of Massachusetts, which, with a 
firmness and patriotism without example, has sacrificed all 
the comforts of social and political life in the support of the 
rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. 
My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vin* 
dicating these rights, and to see this devoted province again 
restored to peace, liberty, and safety." When Gen. Wash- 
ington arrived at Cambridge, he was received with the joy- 
ful acclamations of the American army. At the head of 
his troops, he published a declaration previously drawn up 
by Congress, in the nature of a manifesto, setting forth the 
reasons for taking up arms. In this, after enumerating 
various grievances of the colonies and vindicating them 
from a premeditated design of establishing independent 
states, it was added — "In our own native land, in detence 
of the freedom which is our birthright,, and which we ever 
enjoyed till the late violation of it ; for the protection of our 
property, acquired solely by the industiy of our Ibrefathers 
and ourselves, against violence actually offered ; we have 
taken up arms: We shall lay them down when hostilities 
shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of 
their being renewed shall be removed, and not before." 

W^hen Gen. Washington joined the American army, he 
found the British intrenched on Bunker's Hill, having also 
three floating batteries in Mystick River, and a twenty guu 



40 THE LIFE OP 

ship below the ferry between Boston and Charlestown. 
They had also a battery on Copse's Hill, and were strongly 
fortified on the Neck. The Americans were intrenched at 
Winter hill, Prospect Hill, and Roxbury, communicating 
with one another by small posts over a distance of ten 
miles, nor could they be contracted without exposing the 
country to the incursions of the enemy. 

The army put under the command of Washington amount- 
ed to 14,500 men. Several circumstances concurred to 
render this force very inadequate to active operations. 
Military stores were deficient in camp, and the whole in the 
country was inconsiderable. On the 4th of August, all the 
stock of powder in the American camp, and in the publick 
magazines of the four New-England provinces, would have 
made very little more than nine rounds a man. In this desti- 
tute condition the army remained for a fortnight. To the 
Want of powder was added a very general want of bayonets, 
of clothes, of working tools, and a total want of engineers. 
Under all these embarrassments, the General observed, 
that " he had the materials of a good army ; that the men 
■were able-bodied, active, zealous in the cause, and of unques- 
tionable courage." He immediately instituted such arrange- 
ments as were calculated to increase their capacity for 
service. The army was distributed into brigades and divi- 
sions, and on his recommendation, general staff officers 
were appointed. Economy, union, and system, were intro- 
duced into every department. As the troops came into ser- 
vice under the authority of distinct colonial governments, 
no uniformity existed among the regiments. In Massachu- 
setts the men had chosen their officers, and (rank excepted) 
were in other respects, frequently their equals. To form 
one uniform mass of these discordant materials, and to 
subject freemen animated with the spirit of liberty, and coK 
lected for its defence, to the control of military discipline, 
required patience, forbearance, and a spirit of accommoda- 
tion. This delicate and arduous duty was undertaken by 
Gen. Washington, and discharged with great address. — 
When he had made considerable progress in disciplining his 
army, the term for which enlistments had taken place was 
on the point of expiring. The troops from Connecticut and 
Rhode Island were only engaged to the first of December, 
1775 ^ and no part of the army longer than to the first of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41 

January, 1776. The commander in chief made early and 
forcible representations to Congress on this subject, and 
urged them to adopt efficient measures for the formation of 
a new army. They deputed three of tlieir members, Mr. 
Lynch, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Harrison, to repair to camp, 
and, in conjunction with him and the chief magistrates of 
the New England colonies, to confer on the most effectual 
mode of continuing, supporting, and regulating, a continen- 
tal army. By them it v/as resolved to enlist 23,722 men, avS 
iiar as practicable, from the troops before Boston, to serve till 
the last day of December, 1776, unless sooner discharged 
by Congress. In the execution of this resolve, Washington 
called upon all officers and soldiers to make their election 
for retiring or continuing. Several of the inferiour officers 
retired. Many of the men would not continue on any terms. 
Several refused, unless they were indulged with furloughs. 
Others, unless they were allowed to choose their officers. 
So many impediments obstructed the recruiting service, that 
it required great address to obviate them. Washington 
made forcible appeals in general orders, to the pride and 
patriotism of both officers and men. He promised every 
indulgence compatible with safety, and every comfort that 
the state of the country autliorized. In general orders of 
the 20th of October, he observed — " The times, and the 
importance of the great cause we are engaged in, allow no 
room for hesitation and delay. When life, liberty, and prop- 
erty, are at stake ; when our country is in danger cf being 
a melancholy scene of bloodshed and desolation ; when our 
towns are laid in ashes, innocent women and children driven 
from their peaceful habitations, exposed to the rigours of an 
inclement season, to depend perhaps on the hand of charity 
for support ; when calamities like these are staring us in 
the face, and a brutal savage enemy tlireatens us and every 
thing vv'e hold dear with destruction from foreign troops, it 
little becomes the character of a soldier to shrir.k from 
danger, and condition for new terms. It is the General's 
intention to indulge both officers and soldiers who compose 
the new army with furloughs for a reasonable time ; but 
this must be done in such a manner as not to injure the 
service, or weaken the army too much at once." In the 
instructions given to the recruiting officers, the General 
enjoined upon them " not to enlist any person suspected of 



42 THE LIFE OF 

being unfriendly to the liberties of America, or any aban- 
doned vagabond, to whom all causes and countries are equal 
and alike indifferent." 

Though great exertions had been made to procure re- 
cruits, yet the regiments were not filled. Several causes 
operated in producing this disinclination to the service. 
The sufferings of the army had been great. Fuel was very 
scarce. Clothes, and even provisions, had not been furnish- 
ed them in sufficient quantities. The small-pox deterred 
many from entering ; but the principal reason was a dislike 
to a military life. Much also of that enthusiasm which 
brought numbers to the field, on the commencement of hos- 
tilities, had abated. The army of 1775 was wasting away 
by the expiration of the terms of service, and recruits for 
the new, entered slowly. The regiments which were enti- 
tled to their discharge on the 1st of December, were with 
great difficulty persuaded to stay ten days, when reinforce- 
ments of militia were expected to supply their place. From 
the eagerness of the old troops to go home, and the slow- 
ness of the new to enter the service, it was difficult to keep 
up the blockade. On the last day of the year, when the 
first Avere entirely disbanded, the last only amounted to 
9650 men, and many of these were absent on furlough. At 
this time the royal army in Boston was about 8000. To 
assist the recruiting service, the General recommended to 
Congress to try the effects of a bounty, but this was not 
agreed to till late in January, 1776. In that and the fol- 
lowing month the army was considerably increased. 

The blockade of Boston was all this time kept up, and 
the enemy confined to the city, but this was far short of 
what the American people expected. Common fame repre- 
sented the troops under the command of Washington to be 
nearly treble the royal army. This ample force was sup- 
posed to be furnished with every thing necessary for the 
most active operations. Their real numbers and deficient 
equipments were, for obvious reasons, carefully concealed. 
The ardour and impatience of the publick had long since 
counted on the expulsion of the British from Boston. — 
Washington was equally ardent, but better informed and' 
more prudent. He well knew the advantages that would 
result to the cause in which he was engaged from some bril- 
liant stroke, nor was he insensible to insinuations by some 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 

that he was devoid of energy, and by others that he wished 
to prolong his own importance by continuing the war. He 
bore these murmurs with patience ; but nevertheless, had 
his eyes directed to Boston, and wished for an opening to 
commence offensive operations. The propriety of this mea- 
sure was submitted to the consideration of repeated councils 
of war, who uniformly declared against it. A hope was 
nevertheless indulged that ice in the course of the winter, 
would be favourable to an assault. That this opportunity 
might not be lost, measures were adopted for procuring large 
reinforcements of militia to serve till the first of March, 
1776. From 4 to 5000 men were accordingly procured. 
Contrary to what is usual, the waters about Boston contin- 
ued open till the middle of February. Councils of war were 
hitherto nearly unanimous against an assault. General 
Washington was less opposed to it than some others, but the 
want of ammunition for the artillery, together with the 
great probability of failure, induced him to decline the at- 
tempt. In lieu of it he formed a bold resolution to take a 
new position that would either compel the British General 
to come to an action, or to evacuate Boston. The Ameri- 
can army was now stronger than ever. Recruiting for the 
two last months had been unusually successful. The regu- 
lar army exceeded 14000 men, and the militia were about 
6000. Washington, thus reinforced, determined to fortify 
the heights of Dorchester, from which he could annoy the 
ships in the harbour, and the army in the town. To favour 
the execution of this plan, the town and lines of the enemy 
were bombarded on the 2d, 3d, and 4th of March. On the 
night of the 4th, Gen. Thomas, with a considerable detach- 
ment, took possession of the heights of Dorchester. By 
great exertions this party in the course of the night, nearly 
covered themselves from the shot of the enemy. The ap- 
pearance of their works caused no little surprise in the 
British camp. These were every hour advancins^ so as to 
afford additional security to the Americans posted behind 
them. The Admiral informed General Howe, that if the 
Americans kept possession of these heights, he would not 
be able to keep one of the British ships in the harbour. 
The enemy were now brought to the alternative which 
Washington wished for. They must either risk an action 
without their lines, or abandon the place. Gen. Howe pre- 



44 THE LIFE OP 

ferred the former, and ordered 3000 men on this service* 
These were embarked, and fell down to the castle with the 
intention of proceeding up the river to the attack, but were 
dispersed by a tremendous storm. Before they could be in 
readiness to proceed, the American works were advanced 
to such a slate of security as to discourage any attempt 
against them. 

Washi?:!gton expecting an immediate assault on the new 
raised works at Dorchester, and judging that the best troops 
of tiie enemy would be ordered on that service, had prepared 
to attack the town of Boston at the same time — 4000 men 
were ready for embarkation at the mouth of Cambridge 
river to proceed on this business, as soon as it was known 
that the British had gone out in force to their intended at- 
tack. It was now resolved by the British to evacuate Bos- 
ton as soon as possible. In a few days after, a flag came 
out of Boston with a paper signed by four select men, in- 
forming, " that they had applied to Gen. Robertson, who, 
on an application to Gen. Hou'e, was authorized to assure 
them, that he had no intention of burning the town, unless 
the troops under his command were molested during their 
embarkation, or at their departure, by the armed force with, 
out." When this paper was presented to Gen. Washington, 
he replied, "that as it was an unauthenticated paper, and 
without an address, and not obligatory on Gen. Howe, he 
could take no notice of it ;" but at the same time "intimate 
his good wishes for the security of the town." 

Washington made arrangements for the security of his 
army, but did not advance his works nor embarrass the 
British army in their proposed evacuation. He wished to 
save Boston, and to gain time for the fortification of New 
York, to which place he supposed the evacuating army was 
destined. Under this impression, he detached a considera- 
ble part of his army to tliat place, and with the remainder 
took possession of Boston, as soon as the British troops had 
completed their embarkation. On entering the town, Wash- 
ington was received with marks of approbation more flatter- 
ing than the pomps of a triumph. 

The inhabitants, released from the severities of a garrison 
life, and from the various indignities to which they were 
subjected, hailed him as their delivcircr. Reciprocal con- 
gratulations between tiiose who had been coniined within 



tSEORGE WASHINGTON. 4$ 

the British lines, and those who were excluded from entering 
them, were exchanged with an ardour which cannot be de- 
scribed. Gen. Washington was honoured by Congress with 
a vote of thanks. They also ordered a medal to be struck, 
with suitable devices to perpetuate the remembrance of the 
great event. The Massachusett's Council and House of 
Representatives complimented him in a joint address, in 
which they expressed their good wishes in the following 
words — " May you still go on approved by heaven, revered 
hy all good men, and dreaded by those tyrants who claim 
their fellow men as their property." His answer was mod- 
est and proper. 



CHAP. HI. 

CAMPAIGN OP 1776. 

Of the operations of General Washington in New York and New Jersey, 
The battle on Long Island. The Retreat from York Island and through 
Jersey. The battles of Trenton and Princeton. 

1776. 

The evacuation of Boston varied the scene, but did not 
lessen the labours of Washington. Henceforward he had 
a much more formidable enemy to contend with.* The 
royal army in Boston was, on a small scale, calculated to 
awe the inhabitants of Massachusetts into obedience, but 
the campaign of 1776 was opened in New York with a 

* Besides the preparations for defence against the British army, then 
concentrating its forces at New York, he had to guard agahist the nu- 
merous disaffected persons and tories, on Long Island, Staten Island, 
and in the city of New York, who were clandestinely plgtting against 
the liberties of their country. By the persevering representations of 
Washington, Congress finally adopted measures for the apprehension of 
this class of enemies. Many tories were apprehended in New York and 
on Long Island, some were imprisoned, others disarmed. A deep plot, 
originating with Governor Tryon, (who continued on board a vessel at 
the Hook, and had his emissaries abroad in every direction,) was defeated 
by a timely and fortunate discovery. His 'agents were found enlisting 
men in the American camp, and enticing them with rewards. The infec- 
tion spread to a considerable extent, and even reached the General's 
guard, some of whom enlisted. A soldier of the guard was proved guilty 
by a court martial, and executed. It was a part of the plot to seize Gene- 
ral Washington and convey him to the enemy." 

5 



4Q THE LIFE OF 

force far exceeding any thing hitherto seen in America, 
Including the navy and army, it amounted to 55,000 men, 
and was calculated on the idea of reducing the whole United 
Colonies. The operations contemplated could be best car- 
ried on from the nearly central province of New York, and 
the army could be supplied with provisions from the adja- 
cent islands, and easily defended by the British navy. For 
these reasons, the evacuation of Boston, and the concentra- 
tion of the royal forces at New York, had been for some 
time resolved upon in England. 

The reasons that induced the British to gain possession 
of New York, weighed with Washington to prevent or delay 
it. He had therefore detached largely from his army be- 
fore Boston, and sent Gen. Lee to take the command, and 
after providing for the security of Boston, proceeded soon 
after the evacuation thereof with the main army to New 
York, and made every preparation in his power for its de- 
fence. Considerable time was allowed for this purpose ; 
for Gen. Howe, instead of pushing directly for New York, 
retired to Halifax with the forces withdrawn from Boston. 
He there waited for the promised reinforcements from En- 
gland ; but, impatient of delay, sailed without them for New 
York, and took possession of Staten Island in the latter end 
of June. He was soon followed by his brother. Admiral 
Howe, and their whole force was assembled about the middle 
of July, and in apparent readiness for opening the campaign. 
Before hostilities were commenced, the British General and 
Admiral, in their quality of civil commissioners for effecting 
a re-union between Great Britain and the Colonies, made 
an attempt at negotiation. To introduce this business, they 
sent a flag ashore with a letter addressed to George Wash- 
ington, Esq. This he refused to receive, as not being ad- 
dressed to him with the title due to his rank, and at the 
same time wrote to Congress, " That he would not on any 
occasion, sacrifice essentials to punctilio, but in this in- 
stance, deemed it a duty to his country to insist on that 
respect which, in any other than a publick view, he would 
willingly have waived." Some time after, Adjutant General 
Patterson was sent by Gen. Howe with a letter addressed to 
George Washington, (fee .&c. &c. On an interview, the 
Adjutant General, after expressing his high esteem for the 
person and character of the American General, and declar- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 4T 

ing that it was not intended to derogate from the respect due 
to his rank, expressed his hopes, that the et ceteras would 
remove the impediments to their correspondence. Gen. 
Washington replied, " That a letter directed to any person 
in a publick character, should have some description of it, 
otherwise it would appear a mere private letter ; that it was 
true the et ceteras implied every thing, but they also implied 
any thing, and that he should therefore decline the receiving 
any letter directed to him as a private person, when it related 
to his publick station. A long conference ensued, in which 
the Adjutant General observed that " the Commissioners 
were armed with great powers, and would be very happy in 
effecting an accommodation." He received for answer, 
*' that from what appeared, their powers were only to grant 
pardons ; that they who had committed no fault wanted no- 
pardon." 

On the arrival of Gen. Howe at Staten Island, the Amer- 
ican army did not exceed 10,000 men, but by sundry rein- 
forcements, before the end of August, they amounted to 
27,000. Of these a great part were militia, and one fourth 
of the whole was sick. The diseases incident to new troops 
prevailed extensively, and were aggravated by a great defi- 
ciency in tents. These troops were so judiciously distrib- 
uted on York Island, Long Island, Governour's Island, Paulus 
Hook, and on the Sound towards New Rochelle, East and 
West Chester, that the enemy were very cautious in determi- 
ning when or where to commence offensive operations. 
Every probable point of debarkation was watched, and 
guarded with a force sufficient to embarrass, though very 
insufficient to prevent, a landing. From the arrival of the 
British army at Staten Island, the Americans were in daily 
expectation of being attacked. General Washington was 
therefore strenuous in preparing his troops for action. 
He tried every expedient to kindle in their breasts the love 
of their country, and a high tone of indignation against 
its invaders. In general orders he addressed tliem as follows. 
•* The time is now near at hand, which must probably deter- 
mine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; 
whether they are to have any property they can call their 
own ; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and 
destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretched- 
ness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. The 



48 THE LIFE OF 

fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the 
courage and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelent- 
ing enemy, leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, 
or the most abject submission. We have therefore to resolve 
to conquer or to die. Our own, our country's honour, calls 
upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now 
shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. 
Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and the aid 
of the Supreme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate 
and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of 
all our countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have 
their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments 
of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them 
Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and 
show the whole world that a freeman contending for liberty 
on his own ground, is superiour to any slavish mercenary on 
earth."* 

When the whole reinforcements of the enemy had arriv- 
ed. Gen. Washington, in expectation of an immediate at- 
tack, again addressed his army, and called on them to re- 
member that " liberty, property, life, and honour, were all 
at stake ; that upon their courage and conduct, rested the 
hopes of their bleeding, and insulted country ; that their 
wives, children, and parents, expected safety from them, 
only ; and that they had every reason to believe that Heaven 
would crown with success so just a cause." He farther 
added — "The enemy will endeavour to intimidate by show 
and appearance, but remember they have been repulsed on 
various occasions by a few brave Americans. Their cause 
is bad — their men are conscious of it, and if opposed with 
firmness and coolness on their first onset, with our advantage 
of works, and knowledge of the ground, the victory is most 

* The Declaration of Independence had been adopted by Congress, the 
4th of July previous ; and these general orders conformed in letter and 
spirit with that bold and patriotick declaration, which Washington had 
approved and advised. " I am very glad to find," said he, in a letter to 
his brother, " that the Virginia Convention have passed so noble a vote, 
[recommending to Congress to declare the United Colonies free and in- 
dependent Stales,] and with so much unanimity. Things have come to 
such a pass now, as to convince us, that we have nothing more to expect 
from the justice of Great Britain." When the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was received by Gen. Washington, he paraded his army; the docn- 
ment was read aloud in the hearing of all, and received with bursts of 
applause. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49^ 

assuredly ours. Every good soldier will be silent and atten- 
tive — wait for orders — and reserve his fire until he is sure of 
doing execution : of this the officers are to be particularly 
careful." 

He then gave the most explicit orders that any soldier 
who should attempt to conceal himself, or retreat without 
orders, should instantly be shot down, as an example of the 
punishment of cowardice, and desired every officer to be 
particularly attentive to the conduct of his men, and report 
those who should distinguish themselves by brave and noble 
actions. These he solemnly promised to notice and reward. 

On the 22d of August, the greatest part of the British 
troops landed on Long Island. Washington immediately 
made a farther effort to arouse his troops to deeds of valour^ 
" The enemy, said he, have landed, and the hour is fast ap- 
proaching on which the honour and success of this army, 
and the safety of our bleeding country, depends. Remember, 
officers and soldiers, that you are freemen, fighting for the 
blessings of Liberty ; that slavery will be your portion and 
that of your posterity, if you do not acquit yourselves like 
men. Remember how your courage has been despised and 
traduced by your cruel invaders, though they have found by 
dear experience at Boston, Charlestown, and other places, 
what a h\v brave men, contending in their own land, and in 
the best of causes, can do against hirelings and mercenaries. 
Be cool but determined. Do not fire at a distance, but wait 
for orders from your officers." He repeated his injunctions, 
" to shoot down any person who should misbehave in action," 
and his hope " that none so infamous would be found, but 
that, on the contrary, each for himself resolving to conquer 
or die, and trusting to the smiles of heaven on so just a 
cause, would behave with bravery and resolution." His 
assurance of rewards to those who should distinguish them- 
selves, were repeated ; and he declared his confidence, that 
if the army would but emulate and imitate their brave coun- 
trymen in other parts of America, they would, by a glo- 
rious victory^ save their country, and acquire to themselves 
immortal honour." 

On the 5th day after their landing, the British attacked 
the Americans on Long Island, commanded by Gen. Sulli- 
van. The variety of ground and the different parties em- 
ployed in different places, both in the attack and defence, 

5* 



50 THE IIFE OP 

occasioned a succession of small engagements, pursuits, and 
slaughter, which lasted for many hours. 

The Americans were defeated in all directions. The 
circumstances which eminently contributed to this, were 
the superiour discipline of the assailants, and the want of 
early intelligence of their movements. There was not a 
single corps of cavalry in the American army. The trans- 
mission of intelligence was of course always slow, and often 
impracticable. From the want of it, some of their detach- 
ments, while retreating before one portion of the enemy^ 
were advancing towards another, of whose movements they 
were ignorant. 

In the height of the engagen^nt Washington passed over 
to Long Island, and with infinite regret saw the slaughter 
of his best troops, but had not the power to prevent it ; for 
had he drawn his whole force to their support, he must have 
risked every thing on a single engagement. He adopted 
the wiser plan of evacuating the island, with all the forces 
he could bring off. In superintending this necessary, but 
difficult and dangerous movement, and the events of the. pre- 
ceding day, Washington was indefatigable. For forty-eight 
hours he never closed his eyes, and was almost constantly 
on horseback. In less than thirteen hours, the field artillery, 
tents, baggage, and about 9000 men, were conveyed from 
Long Island to the city of New York, over East River, and 
without the knowledge of the British, though not 600 yards 
distant. The darkness of the night and a heavy fog in the 
morning, together with a fair wind after midnight, favoured 
this retreat. It was completed without interruption some 
time after the dawning of the day. 

The unsuccessful termination of the late action, led to 
consequences more seriously alarming to the Americans,- 
than the loss of their men. Hitherto they had had such 
confidence in themselves, as engaged in the cause of libert]/; 
and their country, that it outweighed all their apprehensions 
from the exact discipline of the British troops ; but now 
finding that many of them had been encircled in inextrica- 
ble difficulties from the superiour military skill of their ad- 
versaries, they went to the opposite extreme, and began to 
think but very indiflferently of themselves and their leaders^ 
when opposed to disciplined troops. As often as they saw 
the enemy approaching, they suspected a military manoeu^ 



GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 51 

vre, from which they supposed nothing could save them but 
immediate flight. Apprehensions of this kind might natu.< 
rally be expected from citizen soldiers, lately taken from 
agricultural pursuits, who e.vpected to lay aside the military 
character at the end of the current year. Washington, 
tremblingly alive to tiie state of his army, wrote to Congress 
on the sixth day after the defeat on Long Island, as follows : 
" Our situation is truly distressing. The check our detach- 
ment lately sustained has dispirited too great a proportion 
of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and 
despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost 
efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair 
our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to re-- 
turn. Great numbers of them have gone off; in some in« 
stances, almost by whole regiments, in many by half ones, 
and by companies at a time. This circumstance of itself, 
independent of others, when fronted by a well appointed 
enemy, superiour in number to our whole collected force, 
would be sufficiently disagreeable ; but when it is added,- 
that their example has infected another part of the army ; 
that their want of discipline and refusal of almost every 
kind of restraint and government, have rendered a like con- 
duct but too common in the whole, and have produced an 
entire disregard of that order and subordination which is 
necessary for an army, our condition is still more alarming ;- 
and with the deepest concern I am obliged to confess my 
want of confidence in the generality of the troops. All 
these circumstances fully confirm the opinion I ever enter- 
tained, and which I more than once in my letters took the 
liberty of mentioning to Congress, that no dependence could 
be put in a militia,* or other troops than those enlisted and 
embodied for a longer period than our regulations have 
hitherto prescribed. I am fully convinced that our liber- 
ties must of necessity be greatly hazarded, if not entirely 
lost, if their defence be left to any but a permanent army. 

" Nor would the expense incident to the support of such 
a body of troops as would be competent to every exigency, 

* Though thus unused fo the discipline and horrours of war, the A'me- 
rlcan militia yielded to the first shock, they soon began to retrieve their 
character, and to acquire the approbabation and confidence of the Com- 
mander-in- Chief. They subsequently, during the seven years' struggle^ 
exhibited proofs of courage and fidelity unsurpassed, amidst trials an* 
sufferings without a parallel, in the history of nations. 



5Z THE tIP£ OP 

far exceed that which is incurred by calling in daily suc- 
cours and new enlistments, which when effected, are not 
attended with any good consequences. Men who have been 
free, and subject to no controul, cannot be reduced to order 
in an instant; and the privileges and exemptions they claim, 
and will have, influence the conduct of others in such a 
manner, that the aid derived from them is nearly counter- 
balanced by the disorder, irregularity, and confusion they 
occasion." 

In fourteen days after this serious remonstrance. Congress 
resolved to raise eighty-eight battalions to serve during the 
war. Under these circumstances, to wear away the cam- 
paign with as little loss as possible, so as to gain time tO' 
raise a permanent army against the next year, was to the 
Americans an object of the greatest importance. 
7 Gen. Washington, after much deliberation, determined 
on a war of posts. Recent events confirmed him in the 
policy of defending his country by retreating, when he could' 
no longer stand his ground without risking his army. He 
well knew that by adopting it he would subject himself to 
the imputation of wanting energy and decision ; but with 
him the love of country was paramount to all other consi- 
derations. . 

In conformity to these principles, the evacuation of New- 
York was about tins time resolved upon, whensoever it 
could no longer be maintained without risking the arm5\ 
Arrangements were accordingly made for a temporary de- 
fence, and an ultimate retreat when necessity required. 
The British, now in possession of Long Island, could at 
pleasure pass over to York Island or the main. Washing. 
ton was apprehensive that they would land above him, cut 
off his retreat, and force him to a general action on York 
Island. He therefore moved his publick stores to Dobb's 
ferry, and stationed 12,000 men at the northern end of 
York Island. With the remainder he kept up the semblance 
of defending New York, though he had determined to aban- 
don it, rather than risk his army for its preservation. 

While Washington was making arrangements to save his 
troops and stores by evacuating and retreating, the British 
commander was prosecuting his favourite scheme of forcing 
the Americans to a general action, or breaking the commu- 
nication between their posts. With this view he landed' 



GEORGE WASKINGTOW. 53 

about 4000 men at Kipp's Bay, three miles above New 
York, under cover of five men of war. Works had been 
thrown up at this place, which were capable of being de- 
fended for some time, and troops were stationed in them for 
that purpose ; but they fled with precipitation without wait- 
ing for the approach of the enemy. Two brigades were 
put in motion to support them. Gen. Washington rode to 
the scene of action, and to his great mortification met the 
who^e party retreating. While he was exerting himself to 
rally them, on the appearance of a small corps of the ene- 
my, they again broke and ran off" in disorder. Such das- 
tardly conduct raised a tempest in the usually tranquil mind 
of Gen. Washington. Having embarked in the American 
cause from the purest principles, he viewed with infinite 
concern this shameful behaviour, as threatening ruin to his 
country. He recollected the many declarations of Congress, 
of the army, and of the inhabitants, preferring liberty to 
life, and death to dishonour, and contrasted them with their 
present scandalous flight. His soul was harrowed up with 
apprehensions that his country would be conquered, her ar- 
my disgraced, and her liberties destroyed. He anticipated^, 
in imagination, that the Americans would appear to poste- 
rity in the light of high sounding boasters, who blustered 
when danger was at a distance, but shrunk at the shadow 
of opposition. Extensive confiscations, and numerous at- 
tainders, presented themselves in full view to his agitated 
mind. He saw in imagination new formed states, with the 
means of defence in their hands, and the glorious prospects 
of liberty before them, levelled to the dust ; and such con- 
stitutions imposed on them, as were likely to crush the vigour 
of the human mind ; while the unsuccessful issue of the pre- 
sent struggle would, for ages to come, deter posterity from 
the bold design of asserting their rights. Impressed with 
these ideas, he hazarded his person for some considerable 
time in the rear of his own men, and in front of the enemy, 
with his horse's head towards the latter, as if in expectation 
that, by an honourable death, he might escape the infamy 
he dreaded from the dastardly conduct of troops on whom 
he could place no dependence. His aids, and the confiden- 
tial friends around his person, by indirect violence, compel- 
led him to retire. In consequence of their address and im- 
portunity, a life was saved for public service, which, other- 



54 THE LIFE OF 

wise, from a sense of honour and a gust of passion, seemed 
to be devoted to almost certain destruction. 

The shameful events of this day, hastened the evacuation 
of New York. This was effected with very little loss of 
men, but all the heavy artillery and a large portion of the 
baggage, provisions, military stores, and particularly the 
tents, were unavoidably left behind. The loss of the last 
mentioned article was severely felt in that season, when cold 
weather was rapidly approaching. 

The British having got possession of the city of New 
York, advanced in front of it, and stretched their encamp- 
ments across York Island; while their shipping defended 
their flanks. Washington had made his strongest post at 
Kingsbridge, as that preserved his communication with the 
country. In front of this, and near to the British, he had 
a strong detachment posted in an intrenched camp. This 
position of the two armies was particularly agreeable to 
him ; for he wished to accustom his raw troops to face their 
enemies, hoping that by frequent skirmishes they would grow 
so familiar with the dangers incident to war, as to fear 
them less. Opportunities of making the experiment soon 
occurred. On the day after the retreat from New York, a 
skirmish took place between an advanced detachment of the 
British army and some American troops, commanded by 
Col. Knowlton, of Connecticut, and Major Leitch, of Vir- 
ginia. Both these officers fell, bravely fighting at the head 
of their troops. The Captains with their men kept the 
ground, and fairly beat their adversaries from the field. 
This was the first advantage the army under the command 
of Washington had gained in the campaign. Its influence 
on the army was great. To increase its effects, the parole 
the next day was " Leitch," and the General gave public 
thanks to the troops engaged therein. He contrasted their 
conduct with the late shameful flight of the troops from the 
works on Kipp's Bay, and observed, " That the result proved 
what might be done, where officers and men exerted them- 
selves;" and again called on all "so to act as not to dis- 
grace the noble cause in which they were engaged." 

General Howe continued to prosecute his scheme for cut- 
ting off" Washington's communication with the eastern 
states, and enclosing him so as to compel a general engage- 
ment. With this view the royal army landed on Frog's 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55 

Neck, in Westchester county, and soon after advanced to 
New Rochelle, and made sundry successive movements, all 
calculated to effect this purpose. A few skirmishes took 
place, but a general action wa3 carefully avoided by Wask- 
ington, except in one case, in which he had such a manifest 
advantage from his position on hills near the White Plains, 
that Gen. Howe declined it. The project of getting in the 
rear of the American army was in like manner frustrated 
by frequent and judicious changes of its position. Gen. 
Howe failing in his first design, adopted a new plan of ope- 
rations. His efforts were henceforward directed to an in- 
vasion of New Jersey. Washington, penetrating his de- 
signs, crossed the North River. He wrote to William Liv- 
ingston,* governour of' New Jersey, urging him to put the 
militia of that State in the best state of preparation to de- 
fend their country, and also recommending the removal of 
stock and provisions from the sea coast. f About this time 
Fort Washington was taken by storm, and the garrison, 
consisting of more than 2009 men, with their commander, 
Col. Magaw, surrendered prisoners of war. This was the 
only post held by the Americans on York Island ; and was 
an exception to the general plan of evacuating and retreat- 
ing. Hopes had been indulged that it might be defended, 
and, in conjunction with Fort Lee, on tho opposite Jersey 
shore, made useful in embarrassing the passage of British 

*" This gentleman (says the translator of Chastellux) was so active 
and useful in the revolution, that he was long the marked object of tory 
vengeance. He was obliged, for many months, to shift his quarters 
every day, and under the necessity of sleeping every night in a different 
place; but nothing could abate his zeal; he never quitted his government, 
and was indefatigable in his exertions to animate the people." He was 
known in New Jersey by the name of " Doctor Fhnt," from an expres- 
sion in his inaugural address, that we should " set our faces like ajlint 
against that dissoluteness of manners and political corruption which will 
ever be the reproach of any people." 

tit was no easy task at that time to recruit the defensive forces of 
New Jersey. A letter to Gov. Livingston from one of his subordinate 
officers, dated June 30, 1776, says, " There are a number of tenants that 
say, if they are taken away at this season of the vear, they may as well 
knock their families on the head, for that they will be ruined. At a mus- 
ter sometime past, in order to recruit men, one half of two companies 
came with clubs ; Colonel Johnson was knocked down by thern, and 
was afterwards obliged to retreat ; the same day one of the captains was 
much beat by them." With the aid of Gen. Mercer, however, who was 
detached from New York for the purpose, Gov. Livingston soon suc- 
ceeded in embodying a large portion of the militia of New Jersey, organ- 
izing a flying camp, &c. 



56 THE LIFE OF 

vessels up and down the North River. This post having 
fallen, orders for the evacuation of Fort Lee were immedi- 
ately given ; but before the stores could be removed, Lord 
Corn wallis crossed the North River with 6000 men. Wash- 
ington, retreating before him, took post along the Hacken- 
sack. His situation there was nearly similar to that which 
he had abandoned ; for he was liable to be enclosed between 
the Hackensack and the Passaic rivers. He therefore, on 
the approach of the enemy, passed over to Newark. He 
stood his ground there for some days, as if determined on 
resistance ; but being incapable of any effectual opposition, 
retreated to Brunswick, on the day Lord Cornwallis entered 
Newark. At Brunswick, Washington kept his troops in 
motion, and even advanced a small detachment, as if intend- 
ing to engage the enemy. Nor did he quit this position till 
their advanced guards were in sight. Lord Stirling was 
left at Princeton with 1200 men, to watch the British; and 
Washington proceeded with the residue to Trenton. There 
he meant to make a stand. Orders were previously given 
to collect and guard all the boats for 70 miles on the Dela- 
ware. The baggage and stores were also passed over. These 
being secured, Washington detached 1200 men to Princeton, 
to keep up the appearance of opposition, and soon followed 
with about 2000 militiamen who had recently joined him. 
Before he reached Princeton, intelligence was received that 
Lord Cornwallis, strongly reinforced, was advancing from 
Brunswick in different directions, with the apparent design 
of getting in his rear. An immediate retreat over the Del- 
aware became necessary. This was effected on the 8th of 
December. Washington secured all his boats on the Penn- 
sylvania side ; broke down the bridges on roads leading to 
the opposite shores, and posted his troops at the different 
fording places. So keen was the pursuit, that as the rear 
guard of the retreating army embarked, the van of the ene- 
my came in sight. The British having driven the Ameri- 
can army out of Jersey, posted themselves up and down the 
Delaware, and small parties passed and re-passed from one 
to the other, without any interruption. They made some 
attempts to get boats, but failed. They also repaired some 
of the bridges that had been recently destroyed, and pushed 
forward a strong detachment to Bordentown. This was in- 
tended to increase their chances for crossing, and to embar- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5T 

rass Washington, who could not tell from which of their se* 
veral positions they would make the attempt. Gen. Putnam 
was in the mean time sent on to superintend the erection of 
lines of defence from the Schuylkill to the Delaware, for the 
security of Philadelphia. Small redoubts were hastily 
thrown up to guard the fording places ; and Germantown 
was fixed upon as a place of rendezvous, in case the British 
should cross and drive the Americans from their extended 
encampments on the Delaware. This retreat through the 
Jerseys was attended with almost every circumstance that 
could occasion embarrassment or depression. Washington 
was pressed with difficulties on all sides. In casting his 
eyes around, he could not promise himself adequate support 
from any quarter. His gloomy prospects were not bright, 
ened by any expectations, on the fulfilment of which he 
could depend. Distrusting, but not despairing, he asked 
Col. Reed — " Should we retreat to the back parts of Penn- 
sylvania, will the Pennsylvanians support us ]" The Colonel 
answered — " If the lower counties are subdued and give up, 
the back counties will do the same." Washington nobly 
replied — " We must retire to Augusta county, in Virginia. 
Numbers will be obliged to repair to us for safety, and we 
must try what we can do, in carrying on a predatory war ; 
and if overpowered, we must cross the Alleghany moun- 
tains." Gen. Washington had no cavalry but a small corps 
of badly mounted Connecticut militia, and was almost equal- 
ly destitute of artillery, while conducting this retreat. It 
commenced in a few days after the reduction of Fort Wash- 
ington, in which the flower of the American army were 
made prisoners of war. A great part of the retreating 
troops consisted of those who had garrisoned Fort Lee. 
These had been compelled to abandon their post so suddenly, 
that they left behind them their tents, blankets, and cookjng 
utensils. In this situation they retreated, badly arnied, 
worse clad, and in many instances barefooted, in the cold 
months of November and December, through a desponding 
country, more disposed to seek safety by submission than 
resistance. Under all these disadvantages, they performed 
a march of about ninety miles, and had the address to pro- 
long it to a space of nineteen days, that as much time as 
possible might be gained for expected reinforcements to ar- 
rive. As they retreated through the country, scarcely one 
6 



58 THE LIFE OF 

of the inhabitants joined them ; while numbers daily flocked 
to the British army, and took the benefit of a royal procla- 
mation issued at this critical time, for pardoning all who, 
within sixty days, would return to the condition of British 
subjects.* 

The small force which began this retreat was daily les- 
sening, by the expiration of the term of service for which 
they were engaged. This terminated in November with 
many, and in December with nearly two thirds of the resi- 
due. No persuasions were availing to induce their continu- 
ance. They abandoned their General, when the advancing 
enemy was nearly in sight. The Pennsylvania militia was 
engaged to the first day of January, but they deserted in 
such numbers that it became necessary to place guards at 
the ferries to stop them. Two regiments had been ordered 
from Ticonderoga to join Gen. Washington, but their term 
of service expired on the first of December. They refused 
to re-enlist, and went off, to a man. Gen. Lee, who com- 
manded the eastern troops, was repeatedly ordered by Wash- 
ington to cross the North River, and join the retreating ar- 
my ; but these orders were not obeyed. While at a distance 
both from his troops and the enemy, he was surprised and 
teken prisoner by the British. This begat suspicions, that, 
despairing of the success of the Americans, he had chosen 
to abandon their service. Though these apprehensions were 
without foundation, they produced the same mischievous 
effects on the minds of the people as if they were realities. 
About the same time Congress thought it expedient to leave 
Philadelphia and retire to Baltimore. 

Under all these trying circumstances, Washington was 
undismayed. He did not despair of the public safet)'-. 
With unconquerable firmness and the most perfect self-pos- 
session, he was always the same, and constantly showed 

* "This was the most gloomy period of the war. The barefooted and 
ragged American army retreating before the well-appointed troops of the 
enemy, impaired the confidence of the people, not less in the ability of 
Washington than in their own resources. The defenceless legislature [of 
New Jersey] with their governour at their head, wandered from Princeton 
to Burlington, from Burlington to Pittstown, from Pittstown to Hadden- 
field, and there, finally, at the utmost verge of the state, dissolved them- 
selves on the 2d of December, leaving each member to look to his own 
safety, at a moment when the efforts of legislators could be of no avail, 
and when there was no place where they could safely hold their ses- 
sions."— I/i/e of Wm. Livingston. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59 

himself to his army with a serene and undisturbed counte- 
nance. Nothing was omitted by him that could embarrass 
the enemy, or animate his army and country. He forcibly 
pointed out to Congress the defective constitution of their 
army, without cavalry, without artillery and engineers ; 
and enlarged upon the impolicy of short enlistments, and 
placing confidence in militia suddenly called out and fre- 
quently changed. He urged these matters with great 
warmth ^ but to prevent offence, added — " A character to 
lose — an estate to forfeit — the inestimable blessing of liberty 
at stake — and a life devoted, must be my excuse." He also 
hinted at the propriety of enlarging his powers so as to en- 
able him to act in cases of urgency, without application to 
Congress ; but apologized for this liberty by declaring, 
" that he felt no lust of power, and wished with the greatest 
fervency for an opportunity of turning the sword into a 
ploughshare :" but added — " his feelings as an officer and a 
man had been such as to force him to say, that no person 
ever had a greater choice of difficulties to contend with 
than himself." 

In this very dangerous crisis, Washington made every 
exertion to procure reinforcements to supply the place of 
those who were daily leaving him. He sent Generals Mif- 
flin and Armstrong to rouse the citizens of Pennsylvania. 
Col. Reed was despatched to Governor Livingston, to urge 
on him the necessity of calling out the Jersey militia. 
These exertions were in a great measure unavailing, except 
in and near the city of Philadelphia. Fifteen hundred of 
the citizens of that metropolis associated together, and 
marched to the aid of Washington. Though most of these 
were accustomed to the habits of a city life, they slept in 
tents, barns, and sometimes in the open air, during the cold 
months of December and January. 

On the capture of Gen. Lee, the command of his army 
devolved on Gen. Sullivan, who, in obedience to the orders 
formerly given, joined Gen. Washington. About the same 
time an addition was made to his force by the arrival of a 
part of the northern army. The Americans now amounted 
to about 7000 men, though during the retreat through the 
Jerseys, they were seldom equal to half that number. The 
two armies were separated from each other by the river 
Delaware. The British, in the security of conquest, can. 



60 THiJ llfE OF 

toned their troops in Burlington, Bordentown, Trenton, and 
other towns of New Jersey, in daily expectation of being 
enabled to cross into Pennsylvania by means of ice, which 
is generally formed about that time. On receiving infor- 
mation of their numbers and different cantonments, Wash- 
ington observed — " Now is the time to clip their wings, 
when they are so spread." Yielding to his native spirit of 
enterprise which had hitherto been repressed, he formed the 
bold design of re-crossing the Delaware, and attacking the 
British posts on its eastern banks. 

In the evening of Christmas day he made arrangements 
for passing over in three divisions ; at M'Konkey's ferry, 
at Trenton, and at or near Bordentown. The troops which 
were to have crossed at the two last places exerted them- 
selves to get over, but failed from the quantity of ice which 
obstructed their passage. The main body, about 2i00 men, 
began to cross very early in the evening ; but were so re- 
tarded by ice that it was nearly four o'clock in the morning 
before they were in a condition to take up their line of 
march on the Jersey side. They were formed in two divi- 
sion^. One was ordered to proceed on the lower or river 
road ; the other on the upper or Pennington road. These 
having nearly the same distance to march, were ordered 
immediately on forcing the out guards, to push directly into 
Trenton, that they might charge the enemy before they had 
time to form. Though they marched different roads, yet 
they arrived within three minutes of each other. The out 
guards of the Hessian troops at Trenton soon fell back ; 
but kept up a constant retreating fire. Their main body 
being hard pressed by the Americans, who had already got 
possession of half their artillery, attempted to file off by a 
road leading towards Princeton, but were checked by a body 
of troops thrown in their way. Finding they were sur- 
rounded, they laid down their arms. The number which 
submitted was 23 officers and 886 men. Between 30 and 
40 of the Hessians were killed and wounded. Col. Rahl 
was among the former, and seven of his officers among the 
latter. Captain Washington, of the Virginia troops, and 
five or six of the Americans, were wounded. Two were 
killed, and two or three were frozen to death. The detach- 
ment in Trenton consisted of the regiments of Rahl, Los- 
berg, and Kniphausen, amounting in the whole to about 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61 

1500 men, and a troop of British light horse. All these 
were killed or captured, except about 600, who escaped by 
the road leading to Bordentown. 

The British had a strong battalion of light infantry at 
Princeton, and a force yet remaining near the Delaware, 
superiour to the American army. Washington, therefore, 
in the evening of the same day, thought it most prudent to 
cross into Pennsylvania with his prisoners. These being 
secured, he re- crossed the Delaware, and took possession of 
Trenton. The detachments which had been distributed over 
New Jersey previous to the capture of the Hessians, imme- 
diately after that event assembled at Princeton, and were 
joined by the army from Brunswick under Lord Cornwallis. 
From this position they came forward to Trenton in great 
force, hoping, by a vigorous onset, to repair the injury their 
cause had sustained by the late defeat. 

Truly delicate was the situation of the feeble American 
army. To retreat was to hazard the city of Philadelphia, 
and .to destroy every ray of hope which began to dawn from 
their late success. To risk an action with a superiour force 
in front, and a river in rear, was dangerous in the extreme. 
To get round the advanced party of the British, and, by 
pushing forwards, to attack in their rear, was deemed pre- 
ferable to either. The British, on their advance from 
Princeton, attacked a body of Americans which were post- 
ed with four field pieces a little to the northward of Tren- 
ton, and compelled them to retreat. The pursuing British 
bei^ng checked at the bridge over Sanpink creek by some 
field pieces, fell back so far as to be out of their reach. 
The Americans were drawn up on the opposite side of the 
creek, and in that position remained till niglit, cannonading 
the enemy and receiving their fire.* In this critical hour, 
two armies, on which the successor failureof the American 
revolution materially depended, were crowded into the small 
village of Trenton, and only separated by a creek, in many 
places fordable. 



* Lord Cornwallis made one or two attempts to cross the bridge over 
the creek, but was so galled by a small battery which commanded it, and 
by a body of chosen men, placed by Gen. Washington in the Mill-house, 
that he gave up the attempt, from a contempt of his enemy, looking 
upon them as his certain prey, their retreat over the Delaware, then full 
of ice, being impracticable. 

6* 



62 THE LIFE OF * 

The British, believing they had all the advantages they 
could wish for, and that they could use them when they 
pleased, discontinued all farther operations, and kept thena- 
selves in readiness to make the attack next morninoj. But 
the next morning presented a scene as brilliant on the one 
side, as it was unexpected on the other. Soon after it be- 
came dark, Washington ordered all his baggage to be silent- 
ly removed, and having left ajuards for the purpose of decep- 
tion, marched with his whole force by a circuitous route to 
Princeton. This manoeuvre was determined upon in a 
council of war, from a conviction that it would avoid the 
appearance of a retreat, and at the same time the hazard of 
an action in a bad position, and that it was the most likely 
way to preserve the city of Philadelphia from falling into 
the hands of Ihe British. Washington also presumed, that, 
from an eagerness to efface the impressions made by the 
late capture of the Hessians at Trenton, the British com- 
manders had pushed forward their principal force ; and 
that the remainder in the rear at Princeton, was not more 
than equal to his own. The event verified this conjecture. 
The more effectually to disguise the departure of the Ameri- 
cans from Trenton, fires were lighted up in front of their 
camp. These not only gave an appearance of going to 
rest, but as flame cannot be seen through, concealed from 
the British what was transacting behind them. In this rel- 
ative position they were a pillar of fire to the one army, 
and the pillar of a cloud to the other. Providence favoured 
this movement of the Americans. The weather had been 
for some time so warm and moist that the ground was softj 
and the roads so deep as to be scarcely passable ; but the 
wind suddenly changed to the northwest, and the ground in 
a short time was frozen so hard that when the Americans 
took up their line of march, they were no more retarded 
than if they had been upon a solid pavement. 

Washington reached Princeton early in the morning, and 
would have completely surprised the British, had not a party 
which was on their way to Trenton descried his troops 
when they were about two miles distant, and sent back 
couriers to alarm their unsuspecting fellow soldiers in their 
rear. These consisted of the 17th, the 40th, and 55th regi- 
ments of British infantry, and some of the royal artillery^ 
with two field pieces, and three troops of light dragoons^ 



GEOKGE WASHIKGTO^^ 6-3 

The centre of the Americans, consisting of the Philadelphia 
militia, while on their line of march, was briskly charged 
by a party of the British, and gave way in disorder. The 
moment was critical. Washington pushed forward, and 
placed himself between his own men and the British, with 
his horse's head fronting the latter. The Americans, en- 
couraged by his example and exhortations, made a stand; 
and returned the British fire. The General^ though between 
both parties, was providentially uninjured by either. A 
party of the British fled into the college, and were there 
attacked with field pieces, which were fired into it. The 
seat of the muses became for some time the scene of action. 

The part}' which had taken refuge in the co'lege, after 
receiving a few discharges from the American field pieces, 
came out and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. In 
the course of the engagement sixty of the British were killed, 
and a great number wounded, and about 300 of them taken 
prisoners. The rest made their escape, some by pushing on 
to Trenton : others by returning to Brunswick.* 

While they were fighting in Princeton, the British in 
Trenton were under arms, and on the point of making an 
assault on the evacuated camp of the Americans. With so 
much address had the movement to Princeton been con- 
ducted, that though from the critical situation of the two 
armies every ear may be supposed to have been open, and 
every watchfulness to have been employed, yet Washington 
moved completely ofi' the ground with his whole force, stores, 
baggage, and artillery, unknown to and unsuspected by his 
adversaries. The British in Trenton were so entirely de- 
ceived, that when they heard the report of the artillery at 
Princeton, though it was in the depth of winter, they sup- 
posed it to be thunder. 

The British astonished at these bold movements of an 
enemy supposed to be vanquished, instantly fell back with 

* The American loss, though small in numbers, was rendered great by 
the death of the brave Gen, Mercer, who here received his mortal wound. 
GJen. Hugh Mercer was a Scotchman by birth, and was in his youth at 
the battle of Culloden. He first distinguished himself in America, in the 
French war. He was a brase and worthy man ; the friend of the Com- 
mander in Chief; possessed the respect and confidence of all, for hi? 
military character and private worth, and his death was deeply la- 
mented. 



64 THE LIFE OF 

their whole force, and abandoned everj^ post they held to 
the southward of New York, except Brunswick and Amboy.* 



CHAP. IV. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 

Of the operations of General Washington in New Jersey and Pennsyl- 
vania, in the campaign of 1777. The battles of Brandywine and 
German town. Washington is advised by the Rev. Jacob Duche, to 
give up the contest. The distresses of the American army. Its winter 
quarters in Valley Forge. Gen. Washington is assailed by the clam- 
ours of discontented individuals and publick bodies, and by the designs 
of a faction to supersede him in his office as commander in chief. 

1777. 

The victories at Trenton and Princeton produced the 
most extensive effects, and had a decided influence on sub- 
sequent events. Philadelphia was saved for that winter. 
Jersey was recovered. The drooping spirits of the Ameri- 
cans were revived. The gloomy apprehensions which had 
lately prevailed, of their being engaged in a hopeless cause, 
yielded to a confidence in their General and their army, 
and in the ultimate success of their struggles for liberty and 
independence. So strong an impulse was given to the re- 
cruiting service in every part of the United States, as gave 
good ground to hope that the coinmander in chief would be 
enabled to take the field in the spring with a permanent 
regular army, on the new terms of enlistment. 

After the campaign had been thus carried into the month 
of January, Washington retired to Morristown, that he 
might afford shelter to his suffering army. His situation 
there was far from being eligible. His force for some con- 
siderable time was trifling, when compared with that of the 
British ; but the enemy and his own countrymen believed 

* These movements manifested unsurpassed prudence and military skill 
on the part of Gen. Washington, and crowned the campaign ot 1776, 
otherwise disastrous and extremely critical, with glory. " Thus we see 
(says Chastellux) that the great events of war are not always great bat- 
tles ; and humanity may receive some consolation from this sole reflec- 
tion, that the art of war is not necessarily a sanguinary art, that the 
talents of the commanders spare the lives of the soldiers, and that igna- 
rance alone is prodigal of blood." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. G5 

the contrary. Their deception was cherished and artfully 
continued by the parade of a large army. Washington 
placed his officers in positions of difficult access, and they 
kept up a constant communication with e,ach other. This 
secured them from insult and surprise. While they covered 
the country, they harassed the foraging parties of the Brit- 
ish, and confined them to narrow limits. 

The remainder of the winter season passed over in a light 
war of skirmishes. These were generally in favour of the 
Americans; but Washington's views were much more ex- 
tensive. He hoped that his country, encouraged by the late 
successes at Trenton and Princeton, would have placed at 
his disposal a large and efficient army, equal to that of the 
enemy. To obtain it, he urged with great earnestness the 
advantage of being enabled to undertake decisive operations 
before reinforcements to the British army should arrive. 
Congress, at his instance, passed the requisite resolutions j 
but these could not be carried into effect without the aid of 
the state legislatures. The delays incident to this slow 
mode of doing business, added to the recollection of the suf- 
fering of the troops in the last campaign, retarded the re- 
cruiting service. Washington with infinite reluctance was 
obliged to give up his favourite project of an early active 
campaign. 

In the advance of the spring, when recruits were obtained, 
a difficulty arose in assembling them from the different 
states in which they had been enlisted. As the British had 
possession of the ocean, they could at pleasure transfer the 
war to any maritime portion of the union. Each state, 
anxious for its particular safety, claimed protection from 
the common army of the whole. Had they been indulged, 
the feeble remnant under the imnjediate direction of the 
commander in chief, would have been unequal to any great 
enterprise. To these partial calls he opposed all his autho- 
rity and influence, and his pointed representations made an 
impression in favour of primary objects. These were to 
prevent the British from getting possession of Philadelphia, 
or the Highlands on the Hudson. Both were of so nearly 
equal importance to their interest, that it was impossible to 
ascertain which would be preferred by Sir William Howe. 
In this uncertainty, Washington^made such an arrangement 
of his troops as would enable him to oppose either. The 



66 THE LIFE OF 

northern troops were divided between Ticonderoga and 
Peekskill ; while those from Jersey and tlie south were en- 
camped at Middlebrook, near the Raritan. The American 
force collected at this strong and defensible encampment, 
was nominally between nine and ten thousand men ; but the 
effective rank and file was about six thousand. A majority 
of these were raw recruits ; and a considerable number of 
such as had been enlisted in the middle states were foreign- 
ers or servants. To encourage the desertion of troops so 
slightly attached to the American cause, Gen. Howe offered 
a reward to every soldier who would come over to his army, 
and an additional compensation to such as would bring 
their arms with them. To counteract these propositions, 
Washington recommended to Congress to give full pardon 
to all Americans who would relinquish the British service. 

The campaign opened early in June on the part of the 
British, who advanced towards Philadelphia as far as Somer- 
set county, in New Jersey ; but they soon fell back to New 
Brunswick. After this retreat. Sir William Howe endea- 
voured to provoke Washington to an engagement, and left 
no manoeuvre untried that was calculated to induce him to 
quit his position. At one time he appeared as if he intended 
to push on, without regarding the army opposed to him. 
At another, he accurately examined the situation of the 
American encampment ; hoping that some unguarded part 
might be found on which an attack might be made that 
would open the way to a general engagement. All these 
hopes were frustrated. Washington knew the full value of 
his situation. He had too much penetration to lose it from 
the circumvention of military manoeuvres, and too much 
temper to be provoked to a dereliction of it. He was well 
apprised it was not the interest of his country to commit its 
fortune to a single action. 

Sir William Howe suddenly relinquished his position in 
front of the Americans, and retired with his whole force to 
Amboy. The apparently retreating British were pursued 
by a considerable detachment of the American army, and 
Washington advanced from Middlebrook to Quibbletown, to 
be near at hand for the support of his advancing parties. 
The British General immediately marched his army back 
from Amboy, with great expedition, hoping to bring on a 
general action on equal ground ; but he was disappointed. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 67 

Washington fell back, and posted his army in such an advan- 
tageous situation as compensated for the inferiority of his 
numbers. Sir William Howe was now fully convinced of the 
impossibility of compelling a general engagement on equal 
terms, and also satisfied that it would be too hazardous to 
attempt passing the Delaware while the country was in arms, 
and the main American army in full force in his rear. He 
therefore returned to Amboy, and thence passed over to Sta- 
ten Island, resolving to prosecute the objects of the cam- 
paign by an embarkation of his whole force at New York. 
During the period of these movements, the real designs of 
Gen. Howe were involved in obscurity. Though the season 
for military operations was advanced as far as the month 
of July, yet his determinate object could not be ascertained. 
Nothing on his part had hitherto taken place, but alter- 
nately advancing and retreating. Washington's embar- 
rassment on this account was increased by intelligence 
which arrived, that Burgoyne was advancing in great force 
towards New York from Canada. Apprehending that Sir 
William Howe would ultimately move up the North River, 
and that his movements which looked southwardly were 
feints, the American chief detached a brigade to reinforce 
the northern division of his army. Successive advices of 
the advance of Burgoyne favoured the idea that a junction 
of the two royal armies, near Albany, was intended. Some 
movements were therefore made Ijy Washington towards 
Peekskill, and on the other side towards Trenton, while the 
main army was encamped near the Clove, in readiness to 
march either to the north or south, as the movements of Sir 
William Howe might require. 

After the British had left Sandy Hook, they looked into 
the Delaware, and suddenly again put out to sea, and were 
not heard of for near three weeks, except that once or twice 
they had been seen near the coast steering southwardly. 
./Charleston, in South Carolina, was supposed to be their 
object at one time ; at another, Philadelphia by the way 
of Chesapeake ; at another, the Highlands of New York, to 
co-operate with Burgoyne. 

The perplexing uncertainty concerning the destination of 
the enemy which embarrassed the movements of Washing- 
ton, was not done away before the middle of August, when 
certain accounts were received that the British had taken 



68 THE LIFE OP 

possession of the Chesapeake, and landed as near to Philadel- 
phia as was practicable. While the object of the campaign 
was doubtful, every disposition was made to defend all the 
supposed probable points of attack except Charleston. This 
being at the distance of seven or eight hundred miles, could 
not be assisted by an army marching over land, in time to 
oppose the enemy conveyed thither by water. While this 
ideaj^prevailed, arrangements were made to employ the Amer- 
ican army either against the enemy advancing from Albany, 
or against the British posts in New York, with the hope of 
making reparation for the expected loss of Charleston. As 
soon as the arrival of the British in the Chesapeake was 
known, Washington ordered the different divisions of his 
army to unite in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, towards 
the head of Elk; and the mihtia of Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
and the northern counties of Virginia, to take the field. 
He had previously written very pressing letters to the Gov- 
ernours of the eastern states, • and to the Generals in the 
western parts of these states, to strengthen the northern 
army opposed to Burgoyne ; and even weakened himself by 
detaching some of his best troops, particularly Morgan's 
riflemen, on that important service. In the spirit of true 
patriotism, he diminished his own chances of acquiring 
fame, that the common cause might be the most effectually 
promoted by the best disposition of the forces under his 
command, for simultaneous opposition to both Howe and 
Burgoyne.* 

♦ While the divisions of his army were concentrating upon the banks 
of the Delaware, Washington repaired for a few days to Philadelphia, for 
the purpose of conferring with Congress. It was on this occasion that 
he had the first interview with La Fayette, who, after many vicissitudes 
and sacrifices, had just arrived in America, to offer his services in its 
cause. His first reception by Congress had not been very cordial or 
flattering. When he arrived at Philadelphia, M. de LaFayette delivered 
his letter to Mr. Lovell, president to the committee of foreign affairs. 
The next day he proceeded to Congress; Mr. Lovell came out of the 
meeting, and told him there was Uttle hope of his request being acceded 
to. Suspecting that his letters had not been read, M. de La Fayette 
wrote the following note: " After the sacrifices I have made, I have the 
right to exact two favours ; the one is, to serve at my own expense — the 
other is, to serve at first as a volunteer." His services were then ac- 
cepted by Congress, in a highly complimentary resolution, conferring 
upon him the rank and commission of major general. 

According to Mr. Sparks, the introduction to Gen. Washington, above 
referred to, took place at a dinner, at which several members of Congress 
were present. La Fayette says it was a "publick dinner," given to Gen. 



GEOUGE WASHINGTON, 69 

Washington passed his army with every appearance of 
confidence through the city of Philadelphia, with a \ie\v of 
making some impression on the disaffected of that city, and 
afterwards proceeded towards the head of Elk.* About 
the same time he directed Gen. Smallwood, with the militia 
of Maryland and Delaware, and some continental troops, 
to hang on the rear of the enemy. As a substitute for 
Morgan's riflemen, Gen. Maxwell was furnished with a 
corps of light infantry, amounting to one thousand men. 
and directed to annoy the British on their march through 
the country. These troops were afterwards reinforced with 
Gen. Wayne's division. Though the mihtia did not turn 
out with that alacrity which might have been expected from 
the energetick calls of Washington, yet a respectable force 
was assembled, which imposed on Sir William Howe a ne- 
cessity of proceeding with caution. The royal army set 
out from the eastern heads of the Chesapeake on the third of 
September, with a spirit, which promised to compensate for 
the various delays which had hitherto wasted the campaign. 
They advanced with great circumspection and boldness till 
they were within two miles of the American army, which 
was then posted in the vicinity of New Port. Washington 
soon changed his ground, and took post on the high ground 

Washington. " When they were separating, Washington drew La Fay- 
ette aside, expressed much kindness for him, compUmented him upon bai 
zeal and his sacrifices, and invited him to consider the head quarters as 
his ovn house, adding, with a smile, that he could not promise him the 
luxuries of a court, but that as he was become an American soldier, he 
would doubtless submit cheerfully to the customs and privations of a 
repubhcan army." La Fayette speaks, in his Memoirs, of this interview 
as follows : " Although he [Washington] was surrounded by officers and 
citizens, it was impossible to mistase for a moment his majestick figure 
and deportment; nor was he less distinguished by the noble affability of 
his manners." M. de La Fayette accompanied him in his examination 
of the fortifications. Invited by the General to estabhsh himself in his 
house, he looked upon it from that moment as is own : with this perfect 
ease and simplicity was formed \he tie that united two friends, whose 
confidence and attachment were to be cemented by the strongest inter- 
ests of humanity. To the intimate relations which subsisted between 
Washington and La Fayette, during the remainder of the revolutionary 
war, and the important corresponding services rendered by the latter, Mr. 
Sparks is the only American historian or biographer, who has done any 
thing like justice. 

* " Their heads covered with green branches, and marching to the sound 
of drums and fifes, these soldiers, in spite of their state of nudity, offered 
an agreeable spectacle to the eyes of all the citizens. General Washing- 
ton was marching at their hea5, and M. de La Fayette was by his side." 
— La Fayctic. 

7 



70 THE LIFE OF 

near Chadd's Fort, on the Brandy wine creek, with an inten- 
tion of disputing the passage. It was the wish, but by 
no means the interest, of the Americans, to try their strength 
in an engagement. Their regular troops were not only in- 
feriour in discipline, but in numbers, to the royal army.* 
The opinion of the inhabitants, though founded on no cir- 
cumstances more substantial than their wishes, imposed a 
species of necessity on the American General to keep his 
army in front of the enemy, and to risk an action for the 
security of Philadelphia. Instead of this, had he taken 
the ridge of high mountains on his right, the British must 
have respected his numbers, and'probably would have follow- 
ed him up the country. In this manner the campaign might 
have been wasted away in a manner fatal to the invaders ; 
but the bulk of the American people were so impatient of 
delays, and had such an overweening conceit of the numbers 
and prowess of their army, that they could not comprehend 
the wisdom and policy of manoeuvres to shun a general en- 
gagement. 

On this occasion necessity dictated that a sacrifice should 
be made on the altar of publick opinion. A general action 
was therefore hazarded. This took place at Chadd's Fort, 
on the Brandy wine, a small stream which empties itself into 
Christiana creek, near its conflux with the river Delaware. 

The royal army advanced at daybreak in two columns, 
commanded by Lieutenant General Kniphausen and Lord 
Cornwallis. They first took the direct road to Chadd's 
Fort, and made a show of passing it, in front of the main 
body of the Americans. At the same time the other column 
moved up on the west side of the Brandywine to its fork, 
and crossed both its branches, and then marched down on 
the east side thereof, with the view of turning the right 
wing of their adversaries. 

This they effected, and compelled them to retreat with 
great loss. Gen. Kniphausen amused the Americans with 

* This force, says Chastellux, " was composed at most of 12,000 men. 
It was at the head of these troops, the greatest part of them new levies, 
that he [Washington] traversed in silence the city of Philadelphia, whilst 
the Congress where giving him orders to'fight, yet removing their ar- 
chives and publick papers into the interiour parts of the country ; a sinister 
presage of the success which must follow their counsel." The British 
army is estimated by Chief Justice Marshall, at 18,000 men, healthy, and 
well supplied with all the munitions of war. 



GEOilGE WASHINGTON. 71 

the appearance of crossing the Ford, but did not attempt 
it until Lord Cornwallis, having crossed above and moved 
down on the opposite side, had commenced his attack. 
Kniphausen then crossed the Ford and attacked the troops 
posted for its defence. These, after a severe conflict, were 
compelled to give way. The retreat of the Americans soon 
became general, and was continued to Chester. Their loss 
was about nine hundred, and considerably exceeded that of the 
British.* The final issue of battles often depends on small 
circumstances, which human prudence cannot control. One 
of these occurred here, and prevented Gen. Washington 
from executing a bold design, to effect which his troops 
were actually in motion. This was to cross the Brandy- 
wine, and attack Kniphausen. while Gen. Sullivan and Lord 
Stirling should keep Earl Cornwallis in check. In the most 
critical moment Washington received intelligence which he 
was obliged to credit, that the column of Lord Cornwallis 
had been only making a feint, and was returning to join 
Kniphausen. This prevented the execution of a plan, which, 
if carried into effect, would probably have given a different 
turn to the events of the day, 

Washington made every exertion to repair the loss which 
had been sustained. The battle of Brandy wine was repre- 
sented as not being decisive. f Congress and the people 
wished to hazard a second engagement, for the security^ of 
Philadelphia. Howe sought for it, and Washington did 
not decline it. He therefore advanced as far as Warren 
tavern, on the Lancaster road, with an intention of meeting 
his adversary. Near that place both armies were on the 
point of engaging with their whole force ; but were prevent- 
ed by a most violent storm of rain, which continued for a 
whole day and night. When the rain ceased, the Ameri- 

*In this battle, M. de La Fayette, in endeavouring to rally the troops 
of the division to which he was attached, received a wound in the leg, 
which disabled him from service for about two months. 

t The inhabitants of Philadelphia, however, had awaited the result with 
much anxiety. They had heard every cannon that was fired on the field 
of battle. ■" The two parties, [whigs and tories, says La Fayette,] as- 
sembled in two distinct bands in all the squares and publick places, had 
awaited the event in silence. The last courier at length arrived, and the 
friends of liberty were thrown into consternation." " The same evening 
Congress determined to quit the city: a vast number of the inhabitants 
deserted their own hearths — whole families, abandoning their possessions 
and uncertain of the future, took refuge in the mountains." 



72 THE LIFE OF 

cans found that their ammunition was entirely ruined. They 
therefore withdrew to a place of safety. Before a proper 
supply was procured, the British marched from their posi- 
tion near the White Horse tavern, down towards the Swedes 
Ford. The Americans again took post in their front, but 
the British, instead of urging an action, began to march up 
towards Reading. To save the stores which had been de- 
posited in that place, AVash ington took a new position, and 
left the British in undisturbed possession of the roads which 
lead to Philadelphia. His troops were worn down with a 
succession of severe duties. There were in his army above 
a thousand men who were barefooted, and who had perform- 
ed all their lat^ movements in that condition. 

Though Washington had failed in his object of saving 
Philadelphia, yet he retained the confidence of Congress 
and the States.* With an army inferiour in numbers, dis- 
cipline, and equipments, he delayed the British army thirty 
days in advancing sixty miles through an open country, 
without fortifications, and the waters of which were every 
where fordable. Though defeated in one general action, 
he kept together his undisciplined and unprovided army, 
and in less than a week offered battle to his successful ad- 
versary. When this was prevented by a storm of rain 
which ruined his ammunition, while many of his soldiers 
were without bayonets, he extricated them from the most 
imminent danger, and maintained a respectable standing. 
Instead of immediately retiring into winter quarters, he ap- 
preached the enemy and encamped on the Shippack road. 
The British army took their stand in Philadelphia and Ger- 
mantown, shortly after the battle of Brandywine. From 
these positions, especially the last, considerable detachments 
were sent to Chester and the vicinity, to favour an attempt 
to open the navigation of the river Delaware, which had 
been obstructed with great ingenuity and industry by the 
Americans. 

* Congress adjourned first to Lancaster, and then to York, in Penn- 
sylvania, where they continued about eight months, till Philadelphia was 
evacuated by the British. Previous to leaving, however, thty passed 
spirited resolutions for strengthening the army, and combining the means 
of defence by calling on several of the states for new quotas of militia. 
They also again invested Gen. Washington with extraordinary powers 
to enforce discipline, to secure supplies, and to remove the property of 
the country, for the benefit of the owners, beyond the reach of the 
Nenemy. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73 

About the same time the American army received a re- 
inforcement of two thousand five hundred men, which in- 
creased its effective force to eleven tliousand. 

General Washington conceived that the present moment 
furnished a fair opportunity for enterprise. He therefore 
resolved to attack the British in Germantown. Their line 
of encampment crossed that village at right angles ; the 
left wing extending on the west to the Schuylkill. That 
wing was covered in front and liank by the German chas- 
seurs. A battalion of light infantry, and the queen's Ame- 
rican rangers, were in front of the right. The 40th regi- 
ment, with another battalion of infantry was posted at the 
head of the village. The Americans moved from their en- 
campment on the Shippack road in the evening of the 3d of 
October, with the intention of surprising their adversaries 
€arly next morning, and to attack both wings in front and 
rear at the same time, so as to prevent the several parts 
from supporting each other. The divisions of Greene and 
Stevens, flanked by M'Dougal's brigade, were to enter by 
the limekiln road. The mihtia of Maryland and Jersey, 
under Generals Smallwood and Furman, were to march by 
the old York road, and to fall upon the rear of their right. 

Lord Stirling, with Nashe's and Maxwell's brigade, were 
to form a corps de reserve. The Americans began their 
attack about sunrise, on the 40th regiment and a battalion 
of light infantry. These being obliged to retreat, were 
pursued into the village. On their retreat, Lieut. Col. Mus- 
grove, with six companies, took post in Mr. Chew's strong 
stone house, which lay in front of the Americans. From 
tin adherence to the military maxim of never leaving a fort 
possessed by an enemy in the rear, it was resolved to attack 
the party in the house."^' 

In the mean time Gen. Greene got up with his column, 
and attacked the right wing. Col. Mathesvs routed a party 

* This was a mistaken and disastrous eftbrt. " In 1782, (says the 
translator of Chastellux,) I passed a very agreeable day at this celebrated 
stone house, so bravely and judiciously defended by Col. IMusgrove, and 
saw many marks of cannon and musket shot in the walls, doors, and 
■svindow shutters, besides two or three mutilated statues which stood in 
front of it. It is a plain gentleman's country house with four windows 
in front, and two stories high, calculated for a small family, and stands 
single, and detached from every other building; so that, defended as it 
was by si.\ companies, commanded by so gallant an oflBcer, it was cal- 
culated to make a long resistance asrainst every thing but heavy cannon." 

7* 



74 THE LIFE OF 

of the British opposed to him, killed several, and took 110 
prisoners ; but, from tiie darkness of the day, lost sight of 
the brigade to which he belonged, and having separated from 
it, was taken prisoner, with his whole regiment j and the 
prisoners which he had previously taken were released. A 
number of the troops in Greene's division were stopped by 
the halt a( the party before Chew's house. Near one half 
of the American army remained tor some time at that place 
inactive. In the mean time Gen. Grey led on three bat- 
talions of the third brigade, and attacked with vigour. A 
sharp contest followed. Tvvo British regiments attacked 
at the same time on the opposite side of the town. General 
Grrant moved up the 49th regiment to the aid of those who 
were engaged with Greene's column. 

Th€ morning wa^ foggy* This, by concealing the true 
situation of the parties, occasioned mistakes, and made so 
much caution necessary as to give the British time to re- 
cover from the effects of their first surprise. From these 
causes the early promising appearances on the part of the 
assailants were speedily reversed. The Americans left the 
field hastily, and all efforts to rally them were ineffectual, 
Washington was obliged to relinquish the victory he had 
thought within his grasp, and to turn his whole attention to 
the security of his army. A retreat about 20 miles to Per- 
kioming was made, with the loss of only one piece of artil- 
lery. In the engagement the loss of the Americans, inclu- 
ding the wounded and four hundred prisoners, was about 
110.0. A considerable part of this was occasioned by the 
40th regiment, which, from the doors and windows of Mr. 
Chew's large slone house, kept up a constant fire on their 
uncovered adversaries. 

The plan of the battle of Germantovvn was judicious, and 
its commencement well conducted; but to ensure its suc- 
cessful execution, a steady co-operation of the several divi- 
sions of the assailants was necessary. The numerous en- 
closures to be passed, and the thickness of the fo^r, rendered 
this impossible; especially by troops who were imperfectly 
disciplined, and without the advantages of experience.* 

* Of this battle Washington says, in a letter to his brother, " If it had 
not been for a thick fog, which rendered it so dark at times that we could 
not distinguish friend from foe, at the distance of thirty yards, we should, 
I believe, have made a decisive and glorious day of it. But Providence 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75 

Congress voted their unanimous thanks " to Gen. M^ash^ 
ington for his wise and well concerted attack, and to the 
officers and soldiers of the army, for their brave exertions 
on that occasion ;" and added — " They were well satisfied 
that the best designs and boldest efforts may sometimes fail 
by unforeseen incidents." 

In the latter part of the campaign of 1777, in proportion 
as the loss of Philadelphia became more probable, Wash- 
ington took every precaution eventually to diminish its va- 
lue to the enemy. Orders were given for moving the mili- 
tary stores and the vessels at the wharves of that city 
higher up the Delaware. From the time that the British 
got possession, every aid consistent with greater objects 
was given to the forts constructed on the Delaware for op. 
posing the British in their attempts to open the navigation 
of that river. Troops were stationed on both sides of the 
Delaware to prevent the inhabitants from going with their 
provisions to the market of Philadelphia, and to destroy 
small foraging parties sent out to obtain supplies for the 
royal army. These arrangements being made, Washington 
advanced towards Philadelphia. His objects were to en- 
feeble the royal army in their operations against the forts 
on the Delaware ; to attack them if circumstances favour- 
ed, and prevent their receiving supplies from the country. 
The British shortly after evacuated Germantown ; concen- 
tered their force at Philadelphia, and directed their princi- 
pal attention to the opening the navigation of the Delaware* 
This employed them for more than six weeks ; and after a 
great display of gallantry on both sides, was finally accom- 
plished. 

In this discouraging state of publick affairs, a long letter 
was addressed by the Rev. Jacob Duche, late chaplain of 
Congress, and a clergyman of the first rank, for character, 

designed it otherwise ; for after we had driven the enen>y a mile or two 3 
after they were in the utmost confusion, and flying before us in most 
places ; after we were upon the pointj as it appeared to every body, of 
grasping a complete victory, our own troops took, fright and fled with 
precipitation and disorder. How to account for this^ I know not, unless 
the fog represented their own friends to them for a re-inforcement of the 
enemy, as we attacked in different quarters at the same time, and were 
about closing the wings of our army when this happened." " Our loss," 
he adds, " was in killed, wounded and missing, about one thousand men. 
In a word, it was a bloody day. Would to Heaven I could add, that k 
had been a more fortunate one to us." 



76 THE LIFE OP 

piety, and eloquence, to Gen. Washington ; the purport of 
which was, to persuade him that farther resistance to Great 
Britain was hopeless, and would only increase the calami- 
ties of their common country ; and under this impression 
to urge him to make the best terms he could with the Bri- 
tish commander, and to give up the contest. Such a letter, 
at such a time, in unison with the known sentiments of 
many desponding citizens, from a person whose character 
and connexions placed him above all suspicion of treachery, 
and whose attachment to his native country, America, was 
unquestionable, could not have failed to make an impression 
on minds of a feebler texture ; but from Washington, who 
never despaired of his country, the laboured epistle of the 
honest, but timid divine, received no farther notice than a 
verbal message to the writer thereof, "That if the contents 
of his letter had been known, it should have been returned 
unopened."* 

While Sir William Howe was succeeding in every enter- 
prise in Pennsylvania, intelligence arrived that Gen. Bur- 
goyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war 
to the Americans. Washington soon after received a con- 
siderable reinforcement from the northern army, which had 
accomplished this great event. With this increased force 
he took a position at and near Whitemarsh. The royal 
army having succeeded in removing the obstructions in the 
river Delaware, were ready for new enterprises. Sir Wil- 
liam Howe marched out of Philadelphia, with almost his 

* The faith and piety of Washington were composed of sterner mate- 
rials than were those of this reverend divine. He never despaired of the 
cause; and that, as a true Christian, he sought and rehed upon the pro- 
tection of Providence, the following statement is an interesting proof. 
The fact previously stated, is, confirmed by a Baptist clergyman residing 
near Valley Forge, in a letter to the editor of the Christian Watchman, 
dated January 30, 1832, that while stationed at Valley Forge with the 
army, under the distressing and trying circumstances related in the fol- 
lowing pages of this work, the commander in chief " was frequently ob- 
served to visit a secluded grove. This excited the curiosity of a Mr. 
Potts, of the denomination of Friends, who watched his movements at 
one of those seasons of retirement, till he perceived he was on his knees 
and engaged in prayer. Mr. Potts then returned, and said to his family, 
" Our cause is lost,^' (he was with the tories) assigning his reasons for 
this opinion. There is a man of the name of Devault Beaver now living 
on this spot, and is eighty years of age, who says he has had the state- 
ment from Mr. Potts and his family." It has been said also, that Gen. 
Knox was an accidental witness of the same, and was fully apprised 
that prayer was the object of the commander's visit to the grove. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. it 

whole force, expecting to bring on a general engagement. 
The next morning he appeared on Chesnut hill, in front of, 
and about three miles distant from the right wing of the 
Americans. On the day following the British changed 
their ground, and moved to the right. Two days after they 
moved still farther to the right, and made every appearance 
of an intention to attack the American encampment. 
Some skirmishes took place, and a general action was hour- 
ly expected ; but instead thereof, on the morning of the 
next day, after various marches and countermarches, the 
British filed off from their right by two or three different 
routes, in full march for Philadelphia. 

While the two armies v/ere manoeuvring, in constant ex- 
pectatiou of an immediate engagement, Washington rode 
through every brigade of his army, and with a firm steady 
countenance gave orders in person how to- receive the ene- 
my, and particularly urged on his troops to place their chief 
dependence on the bayonet. His position, in a military 
point of view, was admirable. He was so sensible of the 
advantages of it, that the manoeuvres of Sir William Howe 
for some days could not allure him from it. In consequence 
of the reinforcement lately received, he had not in any pre- 
ceding period of the campaign been in an equal condition 
for a general engagement. Though he ardently wished to 
be attacked, j'-et he would not relinquish a position from 
which he hoped for reparation for the adversities of the 
campaign. He could not believe that Gen. Howe, with a 
victorious army, and that lately reinforced with 4000 men 
from New York, should come out of Philadelphia only to 
return thither again. He therefore presumed, that to avoid 
the disgrace of such a movement, the British commander 
would, from a sense of military honour, be compelled to at- 
tack him, though under great disadvantages. When he 
found him cautious of enfjaginor, and inclininor to his left, a 
daring design was formed, which would have been executed 
had the British either continued in their position, or moved 
a little farther to the left of the American army. This was 
to have attempted in the night to surprise Philadelphia. 

Three days after the retreat of the British, Washington 
communicated in general orders, his intention of retiring 
into winter quarters. He expressed to his army high ap- 
probation of their past conduct ; gave an encouraging state- 



^S >rHE LIFE Of 

ment of the prospects of their country ; exhorted them fo 
bear the hardships inseparable from their situation, and en- 
deavoured to convince their judgements that these were 
necessary for the publick good, and unavoidable from the 
distressed situation of the new formed states. 

The same care to cut off all communication between the 
enemy and the country was continued, and the same means 
employed to secure that object. Gen. Small wood was de- 
tached to Wilmington to guard the Delaware. Col. Mor- 
gan, who had lately returned from the victorious northern 
army, was placed on the lines on the west side of the 
Schuylkill ; and Gen. Armstrong near the old camp at the 
Whitemarsh, with a respectable force under the command 
of each, to prevent the country people from carrying pro- 
visions to the market in Philadelphia. 

Valley Forge, about twenty-five miles distant from Phila- 
delphia, was fixed upon for the winter quarters of the 
Americans. This position was preferred to distant and 
more comfortable villages, as being calculated to give the 
most extensive security to the country. The American 
army might have been tracked by the blood of their feet in 
marching without shoes or stockings, over the hard frozen 
ground between Whitemarsh and the Valley Forge. Under 
these circumstances they had to sit down in a wood in the 
latter end of December, and to build huts for their accom- 
modation. To a want of clothing was added a want of 
provisions. For some days there was little less than a fam- 
ine in the camp* Washington was compelled to make 
seizures for the support of his army. Congress had author- 
ized him so to do ; but he wished the civil authority to man- 
age the delicate business of impressment, and regretted the 
measure as subversive of discipline, and calculated to raise 
in the soldiers a disposition to licentiousness and plunder. 
To suffer his army to starve or disband, or to feed them by 
force, were the only alternatives offered to his choice. 
Though he exercised these extraordinary powers with equal 
reluctance and discretion, his lenity was virtually censured 
by Congress, " as proceeding from a delicacy in exerting 
military authority on the citizens, which, in their opinion, 
might prove prejudicial to the general liberties of America ;" 
at the same time his rigour was condemned by those from 
whom provisions were forcibly taken. The sound judge- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79 

ment and upright principles of the commander in chief gave 
a decided preference to the mode of supplying his army by 
fair contract, but the necessities thereof proceeding from 
bad management in the commissary department — the de- 
preciation of the Congress bills of credit — the selfishness of 
the farmers in preferring British metallick to American pa- 
per money, together with the eagerness of Congress to 
starve the British army in Philadelphia, compelled him to 
extort supplies for his army at the point of the bayonet. 
In obedience to Congress, he issued a proclamation, " call- 
ing on the farmers within seventy miles of head quarters to 
thresh out one half of their grain by the first of February, 
and the residue by the first of March, under the penalty of 
having the whole seized as straw." 

Great were the difficulties Washington had to contend 
with for feeding and clothing his army ; but they were not 
the only ones which at this time pressed on him. The 
states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey were importunate 
with him to cover them from the incursions of the enemy. 
In both there were many discontented individuals, who, re- 
gretting their past losses and present danger from the vicin- 
ity of a conquering army, were so far misled by their 
feelings as to suppose it to be the fault of Gen. Washington, 
that the inferiour destitute army under his immediate com- 
mand had not been as successful as the superiour well sup- 
ported northern army under Gen, Gates. The legislature 
of Pennsylvania, probably sore from the loss of their capital, 
on hearing that Washington was about to retire into winter 
quarters, presented a remonstrance to Congress on that sub- 
ject, in which their dissatisfaction with the General was far 
from being concealed. A copy of this being sent to him, 
he addressed Congress in terms very different from his usual 
style. He stated, " that though every thing in his power 
had been done for supporting his army, yet their inactivity, 
arising from their manifold wants, was charged to his ac- 
count ; that the army seldom had provisions for two days 
in advance ; that few of his men had more than one shirt, 
many only a moiety of one, and some none at all ; that 
soap, vinegar, and such like articles, though allowed by 
Congress, had not been seen in camp for several weeks ; 
that by a field return 2898 of his army were unfit for duty, 
because they were barefooted, and otherwise naked ; that 



80 THE LIFE OF 

his whole effective force in camp amounted to no more than 
8200 men fit for duty ; that notwithstanding these compU- 
cated wants, the remonstrance of the Pennsylvania legisla- 
ture reprobated the measure of his going into winter quar- 
ters, as if its authors thought the soldiers were made of 
stocks or stones, and as if they conceived it easily practi- 
cable for an inferiour army, circumstanced as his was, to 
confine a superiour one, well appointed and every way pro- 
vided for a winter's campaign, within the city of Philadel- 
phia, and to cover all the circumjacent country from their 
depredation." He assured the complainers, " that it was 
much easier to draw up remonstrances in a comfortable 
room by a good fire-side, than to occupy a cold bleak hill, 
and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets." 
To the other vexations which crowded on Gen. Washing- 
ton at the close of the campaign of 1777, was added one of 
a peculiar nature. Though he was conscious he had never 
solicited, and that it was neither from motives of interest 
nor of ambition he had accepted the command of the army, 
and that he had with clean hands and a pure heart, to the 
utmost of his power, steadily pursued what his best judge- 
ment informed him was for the interest of his country ; yet 
he received certain information that a cabal, consisting of 
some members of Congress, and a few General Officers of 
the army, was plotting to supersede him in his command. 
The scheme was to obtain the sanction of some of the state 
legislatures to instruct their delegates to move in Congress 
for an inquiry into the causes of the failures of the cam- 
paigns of 1776 and 1777, with the hope that some intem- 
perate resolutions passed by them would either lead to the 
removal of the General, or wound his military feelings so 
as to induce his resignation. Anonymous papers contain- 
ing high charges against him, and urging the necessity of 
putting some more energetick officer at the head of the ar- 
my, were sent to Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 
Patrick Henry, Governour of Virginia, and others. These 
were forwarded to Gen. Washington. In his reply to Mr. 
Laurens, he wrote as follows : " I cannot sufficiently ex- 
press the obligation I feel towards you for your friendship 
and politeness, upon an occasion in which I am so deeply 
interested. I was not unapprized that a malignant faction 
had been for some time forming to my prejudice, which, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 81 

conscious as I am of having ever done all in my power to 
answer the important purposes of the trust reposed in me, 
could not but give me some pain on a personal account ; 
but my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the 
dangerous consequences which intestine dissensions may 
prove to the common cause." 

" As I have no other view than to promote the publick 
good, and am unambitious of honours not founded in the 
approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least 
degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of 
my conduct, that even faction itself may deem reprehensi- 
ble. The anonymous paper handed you exhibits many se- 
rious charges, and it is my wish that it may be submitted 
to Congress. This I am the more inclined to, as the sup- 
pression or concealment may possibly involve you in em- 
barrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many, or 
who may be privy to the contents." 

" My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. 
They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives 
of policy deprive me of the defence I might otherwise make 
against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot com- 
bat insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing se- 
crets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why 
should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot 
of an elevated station ? Merit and talents, which I cannot 
pretend to rival, have ever been subject to it ; my heart tells 
me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which cir- 
cumstances would permit ; yet I may have been very often 
mistaken in my judgement of the means, and may, in many 
instances, deserve the imputation of error." 

About the same time it was reported that Washington 
had determined to resign his command. On this occasion 
he wrote to a gentleman in New England as follows : ♦* I 
can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an ex- 
pression that had a tendency to resignation. The sanac 
principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the 
arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional 
force at this day ; nor is it my desire to withdraw my ser- 
vices while they are considered of importance in the present 
contest : but to report a design of this kind is among the 
arts which those who are endeavouring to effect a change, 
are practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still 

8 



8J3 THE LIFE OF 

do say, that there is not an officer in the United States that 
would return to the sweets of domestick life with more heart- 
felt joy than I should. But I would have this declaration 
accompanied by these sentiments, that while the publick are 
satisfied with my endeavours, I mean not to shrink from the 
cause ; but the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls 
upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much pleasure as 
ever the weary traveller retired to rest."* 

These machinations did not abate the ardour of Wash- 
ington in the common cause. His patriotism was too solid 

* This intrigue is known in American History, under the name of 
Conway's CabaL Gates, Mifflin, and Conway, are the only officers of 
note who were known to have been engaged in it. La Fayette, who re- 
mained the warm, undeviating and confidential friend of Washington, 
notwithstanding the efforts to detach him on this occasion, states that 
Conway, who was a warm hearted and brave Irishman, but ambitious, 
passionate and indiscreet, was put forward, and flattered with the idea of 
being the leader, by Gates and Mifflin; that among the members of Con- 
gress who abetted them, were the Lees, of Virginia, and the two Adamses, 
of Massachusetts ; but that their real object was, the promotion of Gen. 
Lee. The party in Congress must have possessed considerable influ- 
ence, as Gates was made President«of the War-Office, an office said to 
have been created for him, and Conway, who resigned on the intrigue 
being disclosed, was immediately made Inspector General of the army, 
witlTthe rank of Major- General. The interviews and correspondence 
between Washington and La Fayette, on this subject, are highly inter- 
esting ; but our limits will not permit us to do justice to them here. Wri- 
ting, however, to the Duke D'Ayen, Dec. 16, 1777, La Fayette, in refer- 
ring to this intrigue, pays the following tribute to Gen. Washington :— 
" Our General is a man formed, in truth, for this revolution, which could 
not have been accomplished without him. I see him more intimately 
than any other man, and I see that he is worthy the adoration of his 
country." * * * * " I admire each day more fully the excellence 
of his character, and the kindness of his heart. Some foreigners are dis- 
pleased at not having been employed, (although it did not depend on him 
to employ them)— others, whose ambitious projects he would not serve, 
and some intriguing, jealous men, have endeavoured to injure his reputa- 
tion ; but his name will be revered in every age, by all true lovers of lib- 
erty and humanity." 

Conway, himself, being wounded in a duel with Gen. Cadwallader, 
and thinking his end near, made the only reparation in his power. He 
wrote to Gen. Washington as follows : 

" Philadelphia, February 23d, 1778. 

" Sir— I find myself just able to hold my pen during a few minutes, 
and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, 
written, or said, any thing disagreeable to your excellency. My career 
will soon be over, therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my 
last sentiments. You are in my eyes the great and good man. May 
you long enjoy the love, esteem, and veneration of these states, who.se 
liberties you have asserted by your virtues. * 

" I am, with the greatest respect, your excellency's most obedient and 
humble servant. THS. CONWAY." 



-GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83 

to be shaken either by envy or ingratitude. Nor was the 
smallest effect produced in diminishing his well earned repu. 
tation. Zeal the most active, and services the most benefi- 
cial, and at the same time disinterested, had rivetted him in 
the affections of his country and army. Even the victori- 
ous troops under General Gates, though comparisons highly 
flattering to their vanity had been made between them and 
the army in Pennsylvania, clung to Washington as their 
political saviour. The resentment of the people was gene- 
rally excited against those who were supposed to be engaged 
in or friendly to the scheme of appointing a new command- 
er in chief over the American army. 



CHAP. V. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 

General Washington prepares for the campaign of 1778. Surprises ihe 
British, and defeats them at Monmouth. Arrests Gen. Lee. Calms 
the irritation excited by the departure of the French fleet from Rhode 
Island to Boston. Dissuades from an invasion of Canada. 

1778. 

Washington devoted the short respite from field duty 
which followed the encampment of the army at Valley 
Forge, to prepare for an early and active campaign in the 
year 1778. He laboured to impress on Congress the ne- 
cessity of having in the field a regular army, at least equal 
to that of the enemy. He transmitted to the individual 
states a return of the troops they had severally furnished 
for the continental army. While this exhibited to each its 
deficiency, it gave the General an opportunity to urge on 
them respectively the necessity of completing their quotas. 

Congress deputed a committee of their body to reside in 
camp, and, in concert with Gen. Washington, to investigate 
the state of the army, and to report such reforms as might be 
deemed expedient. This committee, known by the name of 
"the committee of arrangement," repaired to Valley Forge, 
in January, 1778. Washington laid before them a state- 



84 THE LltE, OF 

ment, in which a comprehensive view of the army was 
taken, and in which he minutely pointed out what he deem- 
ed necessary for the correction of existing abuses, and for 
the advancement of the service. He recommended "as 
essentially necessary, that in addition to present compensa- 
tion, provision should be made by half pay, and a pension- 
ary establishment for the future support of the officers, so 
as to render their commissions valuable." He pointed out 
*' the insufficiency of their pay (especially in its present 
state of depreciation) for their decent subsistence ; the sac- 
rifices they had already made, and the unreasonableness of 
expecting that they would continue patiently to bear such 
an over proportion of the common calamities growing out 
of the necessary war, in which all were equalh' interested ; 
the many resignations that had already taken place, and 
the probability that more would follow, to the great injury 
of the service ; the impossibility of keeping up a strict dis- 
cipline among officers whose commissions, in a pecuniary 
view, were so far from being worth holding, that they were 
the means of impoverishing them." These, and other 
weighty considerations, were accompanied with a declara- 
tion by Gen. Washington, " that he neither could nor would 
receive the smallest benefit from the proposed establishment, 
and that he had no other inducement in urging it, but a full 
conviction of its utility and propriety." 

In the same statement the commander in chief explained 
to the committee of Congress the defects in the quarter- 
masters, and other departments connected with the support 
and comfort of the army ; and also urged the necessity of 
each state completing its quota by draughts from the mili- 
tia. The statement concludes with these impressive words 
— " Upon the whole, gentlemen, I doubt not you are fully 
impressed with the defects of our present military system, 
and with the necessity of speedy and decisive measures to 
place it on a satisfactory footing. The disagreeable picture 
I have given you of the wants and sufferings of the army, 
and the discontents reigning among the officers, is a just 
representation of evils equally melancholy and important ; 
and unless effectual remedies be applied without loss of time, 
the most alarming and ruinous consequences are to be ap- 
prehended." The committee were fully impressed with the 
correctness of the observations made by the commander in 



GEOKGE WASH12?GT0>-. 85 

Chief, and grounded their report upon them. A general 
concurrence of sentiment took place. Congress passed re* 
solutions, but with sundry limitations, in favour of half pay 
to their officers for seven years after the war ; and gave 
their- sanction to the other measures suggested by Washing* 
ton, and recommended by their committee. But, from the 
delays incidental to large bodies, either deliberating upon 
or executing publick business, much time necessarily elapsed 
before the army received the benefits of the proposed re* 
forms ; and in the mean time their distresses approached to 
such a height as threatened their immediate dissolution. 
Respect for their commander attached both officers and sol- 
diers so strongly to his person, as enabled him to keep them 
together under privations almost too much for human na* 
ture to bear. Their effective force throughout the winter 
was little more than 5000 men, though their numbers on 
paper exceeded 17000. It was well for them that the Bri- 
tish made no attempt to disturb them while in this destitute 
condition. In that case the Americans could not have kept 
their camp for want of provisions ; nor could they have re- 
treated tVom it without the certain loss of some thousands 
who were barefooted and otherwise almost naked. Neither 
could they have risked an action with any probable hope 
of success, or without hazarding the most serious conse* 
quences** 

The historians of the American revolution wdll detail tlie 
particulars of a treaty entered into about this time between 
France and the United States,| and also that thereupon 

* "It was on this occasion that a foreign oflScer of distinction said to 
a friend of mine, that he despaired of our independence, for while walk- 
ing with General Washington along the soldiers' huts, he heard from 
jTiany voices echoing through the open crevices between the logs, "rio 
pay, no clothes, no provisions, no rum," and when a miserable being 
was seen flitting from one hut to another, his nakedness was only cov- 
ered by a dirty blanket. It will be difficuh to form a just conception of 
the emotions of grief and sorrow which must have harrowed up the soul 
of our iljustrious^pairiot and philanthropist. In this darkening hour of 
adversity, any man who possessed less firmness than Washington, 
would despair of our independence." — Thatcher's Journal 

t The news of this treaty, which recognized the independence of the 
United States, was received by the American army at Valley Forge, with 
great demonstrations of joy. It was announced by Gen. Washington in 
General Orders, May 5, 1773. On the reading of the account, after the 
oflfering up of thanksgivings and a suitable discourse, three ro^inds of 
^artillery and musketry were fired ; at the conclusion of the first, the whole 
«arniy were directed to huzza — Long live the King of France ! — on the 

8* 



86 THE LIFE OP 

the government of Great Britain offered terms to the Ameri- 
cans equal to all they had asked anterior to their declaration 
of Independence. The first certain intelligence of these 
offers was received hy Gen. Washington in a letter from 
Major General Tryon, the British Governour of New York, 
enclosing the conciliatory proposals, and recommending 
" that they should be circulated hy Gen. Washington among 
the officers and privates of his army.'' Instead of comply- 
ing with this extraordinary request, he forwarded the whole 
to Congress. The offers of Great Britain, which, if made 
in due time, would have prevented the dismemberment of the 
empire, were promptly rejected.* The day after their rejec- 
tion a resolution formerly recommended by Washington was 
adopted by Congress, in which they urged upon the different 
states " to pardon, under certain limitations, such of their mis- 
guided citizens as had levied war against the United States. "f 
Copies of this were struck off in English and German, and 
Gen. Washington was directed to take measures for circula- 
ting them among the American levies in the British army. 
He immediately enclosed them in a letter to Tryon, in which 
he acknowledged the receipt of his late letter covering the 

second, Huzza, long live the Friendly Powers of Europe !— and on the 
third, Huzza for the American States! "All the officers of the army 
then assembled, and partook of a collation provided by the General, at 
■which several patriotick toasts were given, accompanied with three cheers. 
His excellency took leave of the officers at five o'clock, on which there 
was universal huzzaing — Long live General Washington! and clapping 
of hands, till the General rode some distance. Approbation indeed was 
conspicuous in every countenance, and universal joy reigned throughout 
the camp." — Thatcher, 

* Mr. Sparks stales, that the rejection of these proposals took place ten 
days previous to the arrival of the news of the treaty with France. Thi? 
was the fact, although the conclusion of the treaty was known in Great 
Britain, before the act authorizing the propositions had passed Parliament, 
which hastened their adoption and transmission to America. 

t Respecting this measure. Gov. Livingston wrote to President Lau- 
rens, May 7, 1778; — "The measure may be founded in good policy, and 
just at this time gave a shock to the enemy; but I conceive it will in this 
state be far from popular. We have suffered so much from tories, and 
there is in some of our counties so rooted an aversion against that sort of 
gentry, that the more sanguine whiga would think it extremely hard to 
proffer them all the immunities of that happy constitution, which they, 
at the risk of their lives and fortunes, have battled out of the jaws of 
tyranny, yhile the others have meditated our destruction, spilt our blood, 
and in all probability protracted the war a year longer than it would 
otherwise have lasted. And as to our heartily forgiving them, I think 
that will rather require a double portion of the grace of God, than be 
effected by a thousand resolves of CoDgress."^ 



GEOBGE WASHIXGTOJf. 8? 

British conciliatory bills, ard requesting their circulaticrn 
in the American army ; and in the way of retort requested 
the instrumentality ot'Tryon. in making the resolves of Con- 
gress known to the Americans in the British army, on 
whom they were intended to operate. 

About this time Sir William Howe resigned the command 
of the British army, and returned to Great Britain. His 
successor, Sir Henry Clinton, had scarcely entered on the 
duties of his office, when he received orders to evacuate 
Philadelphia. This was deemed expedient from an appre- 
hension that it would be a dangerous position in case a 
French fleet, as was expected, should arrive in the Dela^ 
ware to co-operate with the Americans. 

The design of evacuating Philadelphia was soon discov^ 
ered by Washington ; but the object or course of the ene- 
my could not be precisely ascertained. Their preparations 
equally denoted an expedition to the south: an embarkation 
of their whole army for Xew York ; or a march to that city 
through Xew Jersey. In the two tirst cases Washington 
had not the means of annoyance ; but as the probability of 
the last daily increased, he directed his chief attention to 
that point.* Gen. Maxwell, with the Jersey brigade, was 
ordered over the Delaware to take post about Mount Holly, 
and to co-ope^te with Gen. Dickenson at the head of the 
Jersey militia, in obstructing the progress of the royal army 
till time should be gained for Washington to overtake them. 
The British crossed the Delaware to Gloucester Point, on 
the ISth of June, 1778; the Americans in four days after, 
at Corryel's ferry. The General officers of the latter, on 
being asked what line of conduct they deemed most advisa- 
ble, had previously, and with one consent, agreed to attempt 
nothing till the evacuation of Philadelphia was completed; 
but after the Delaware was crossed, there was a diversity of 
sentiment respecting the measures proper to be pursued. 

* At this time, La Fayette was sent out with a detachment of two 
thousand chosen men, for the purpose of reconnoitering, and gaining 
intelligence of the motions of the enemy. He took station at Barren 
Hill, about equal distance, eleven miles, from the two armies, but the 
British gainmg intelligence of his position, a larffe portion of their army 
marched out from Philadelphia in the night, witli full confidence of sur- 
prising and taking him prisoner. M. de La Fayette was nearly sur- 
rounded, before he was aware of the presence of the British forces ; but 
by skilful movements baffled the enemy, and brought off his forces in 
safety to Valley Forge, without the loss of a single raan» 



88 - tkE tiPE oil' 

Gen. Lee, who, having been exchanged, joined the army, 
was of opinion that the United States, in consequence of 
their late foreign connexions, were secure of their indepen- 
dence, unless their army was defeated ; and that under such 
circumstances it would be criminal to hazard an action, 
unless they had some decided advantage. Though the num- 
bers in both armies were nearly equal, and about 10,000 
effective men in each, he attributed so much to the superi- 
ority of British discipline, as made him apprehensive of the 
issue of an engagement on equal ground.* These sentiments 
were sanctioned by the voice of a great majority of the 
general officers. Washington was nevertheless strongly 
inclined to risk an action. Though cautious, he was enter- 
prising, and could not readily believe that the chances of 
War were so much against him as to threaten consequences 
of the a!arming magnitude which had been announced. 
There was a general concurrence in a prf>posal for strength, 
ening the corps on the left flank of the enemy with 1500 
inen, to improve any partial advantages that might offer, 
and that the main body should preserve a relative position 
for acting as circumstances might require. 

When Sir Henry Clinton had advanced to Allentown, he 
determined, instead of keeping the direct course towards 
Staten Island, to draw towards the sea cc^st, and to push 
on towards Sandy Hook. W^ashington, on receiving intelli- 
gence that Sir Henry was proceeding in that direction 
towards Monmouth court-house, dispatched 1000 men under 
Gen. Wayne, and sent the Marquis de La Fayette to take 
command of the whole, with orders to seize the first fair 
opportunity of attacking the enemy's rear. The command 
of this advanced corps was offered to Gen. Lee, but he de- 
clined it. The whole army followed at a proper distance 
for supporting the advanced corps, and reached Cranberry 
the next morning. Sir Henry Clinton, sensible of the ap- 
proach of the Americans, placed his grenadiers, light-infan* 
try, and chasseurs^ in his rear, and his baggage in his front* 

* Mr. Sparks states as a fact since ascertained, that the American 
army at that time, including the detachments on the North River and at 
other places, did not exceed fifteen thousand men ; while the British 
army amounted to nearly thirty thousand, of 'which number nineteen 
thousand five hundred were in Philadelphia, and ten thousand four hun- 
dred in New York t there were, besides, three thousand seven hundred 
at Rhode Island. 



GEORGE WASHIJJGTON. 89 

Washington increased his advanced corps with two brigades, 
and sent Gen. Lee, who now wished for the command, to 
take charge of the whole, and followed with the main army 
to give it support. On the next morning orders were sent to 
Lee to move on and attack, unless there should be powerful 
reasons to the contrary. When Washington had marched 
about five miles to support the advanced corps, he found the 
whole of it retreating by Lee's orders, and without having 
made any opposition of consequence. Washington rode up to 
Lee and proposed certain questions. Lee answered with 
warmth, and unsuitable language. The commander in chief 
ordered Col. Stewart's, and Lieut. Col. Ramsay's battalions, 
to form on a piece of ground which he judged suitable for 
giving a check to the advancing enemy. Lee was then 
asked if he would command on that ground, to which he 
consented, and was ordered to take proper measures for 
checking the enemy; to which he replied, "your orders 
shall be obeyed, and I will not be the first to leave the field." 
Washington then rode to the main army, which was formed 
with the utmost expedition. A warm cannonade immediate- 
ly commenced between the British and American artillery 
and a heavy firing between the advanced troops of the Brit- 
ish army and jthe two battalions which Washington had 
halted. These stood their ground till they were intermixed 
with a part of the British army. Gen. Lee continued till 
the last on the field of battle, and brought oflfthe rear of the 
retreating troops. 

The check the British received gave time to make a dis- 
position of the left wing and second line of the American 
army, in the wood and on the eminence to which Lee was 
retreating. On this some cannon were placed by Lord 
Stirling, who commanded the left wing, which, with the co- 
operation of some parties of infantry, effectually stopped the 
advance of the British in that quarter. Gen. Greene took 
a very advantageous position on the right of Lord Stirling. 
The British attempted to turn the left flank of the Ameri- 
cans, but were repulsed. They also made a movem.ent to 
the right, with as little success ; for Greene, with artillery, 
disappointed their design. Wayne advanced with a body 
of troops, and kept up so severe and well directed a fire, 
that the British were soon compelled to give way. They 
retired, and took the position which Lee had before occupied. 
Washington resolved to attack them, and ordered (ieneraJ 



00 THE LIFE OF 

Poor to move round upon their right, and Gen. Woodford 
to their left; but they could not get within reach before it 
was dark. These remained on the ground wliich they had 
been directed to occupy, during the night, with an intention 
of attacking early next morning; and the main body lay 
on their arms in the field to be ready for supporting them. 
Gen. Washington, alter a day of great activity and much 
personal danger, reposed among his troops on his cloak 
under a tree, in hopes of renewing the action the next day.* 
But these hopes were frustrated. The British marched 
away in the night in such silence, that Gen. Poor, though 
he lay very near them, knew nothing of their departure. 
They left behind them four officers and about forty privates, 
all so badly wounded that they could not be removed. Their 
other wounded were carried off. The British pursued their 
march without farther interruption, and soon reached the 
neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, without the loss of either 
their covering party or baggage. The American General 
declined all farther pursuit of the royal army, and soon 
after drew off his troops to the borders of the North River. 
The loss of the Americans in killed and wounded was about 
250. The loss of the royal army, inclusive of prisoners, 
was about 350. 

On the ninth day after this action. Congress unanimously 
resolved, " that their thanks be given to Gen. Washington 
for the activity with which he marched from the camp at 
Valley Forge in pursuit of the enemy ; for his distinguished 
exertions in forming the line of battle ; and for his great 
good conduct in leading on the attack, and gaining the im- 
portant victory of Monmouth, over the British grand army, 
under the command of Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, in their 
march from Philadelphia to New York." It is probable 
that Washington intended to take no further notice of Lee's 
conduct in the day of action, but the latter could not brook 
the expressions used by the former at their first meeting, 
and wrote him two passionate letters. This occasioned his 
being arrested and brought to trial. The charges exhibited 
against him were, 

* " General Washington was never greater in battle than in this action. 
His presence stopped the retreat; his arrangements secured the victory. 
His graceful bearing on horseback, his calm and diojnified deportment, 
which still retained some trace of the displeasure he had experienced in 
the morning, were all calculated to excite the highest degree of enthusi- 
asm."— Z/a Fayette. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91 

1st. For disobedience of orders in not attacking the ene- 
my on the 28th of June, agreeable to repeated instructions. 

2dly. For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same 
day, by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful 
retreat. 

3diy. For disrespect to the commander in chief in two 
letters. 

After a tedious hearing Ijefore a court martial, of which 
Lord Sterling was president, Lee was found guilty, and 
sentenced to be suspended from any command in the armies 
of the United States for the term of one year ; but the 
.second charge was softened by the court, which only found 
him guilty of misbehaviour before the enemy, by making an 
unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a disorderly re- 
treat.* 

Soon after the battle of Monmouth the American army 
took post at the White Plains, and remained there, and in 
the vicinity, till autumn was far advanced, and then retired 
to Middlebrook in New Jersey. During this period, nothing 
of more importance occurred than skirmishes, in which Gen. 
Washington was not particularly engaged. He was never- 
theless lully employed. His mild conciliatory manners, 
and the most perfect subjection of his passions to reason, 
together with the soundness of his judgement, enabled him 
to serve his country with equal effect, though with less splen- 
dour than is usually attached to military exploits. 

The French fleet, the expectation of which had induced 
the evacuation of Philadelphia, arrived too late for attack- 
ing the British in the Delaware."}* It was also deemed unad- 
visable to attempt New York; but the British posts on Rhode 

* Congress refused to reverse this sentence. Lee left the army, and 
did not join ii again. He died four years afterwards, in Philadelphia. 

t This fleet, under Count D'Estaing, consisted of twelve ships of the 
line and four frigates. M. Gerard, the first minister from France to the 
United States, was on board. Touching first at the Capes of Delaware, 
and finding that the British army had evacuated Philadelphia, the admi- 
ral repaired to Sandy Hook. General Washington sent his aids. Col. 
Laurens and Col. Hamilton, on board, to congratulate the French admi- 
ral on his arrival, and to consult with him on the plan of operations. It 
was desired that the French should attack the British fleet, then at an- 
chor within the Hook, and that Gen. Washington should simultaneously 
attack New Vork by land. But the pilots unanimously declared that 
the depth of water did not admit .the passage of the largest of the French 
ships over the bar ; the plan of operations was therefore changed, and 
the squadron repaired to Rhode Island. 



92 THE LIFE OF 

Island, were judged proper objects of a conjunct expedition 
with the sea and land forces of France and America. This 
being resolved upon, Gen. Sullivan was appointed to conduct 
the operations of the Americans. When the preparations for 
commencing the attack were nearly completed, a British 
fleet appeared insight. D'Estaing, who commanded the 
French fleet, put out to sea to engage them ; but a storm 
came on which crippled both fleets to such an extent, as in- 
duced the one to go to New York, and the other to Boston, 
for the purpose of being repaired. While the fleets were 
out of sight, Sullivan had commenced the siege, and flatter- 
ed himself that a few days co-operation of the returned 
French ships could not fail of crowning him with success. 
The determination of D'Estaing to retire to Boston instead 
of co-operating in the siege, excited the greatest alarm in 
SulUvan's army. By this dereliction of the original plan, 
the harbours of Rhode-Island were left free and open for re- 
inforcements to the British, which might be easily poured 
in from their head quarters in New York. Instead of an- 
ticipated conquests, Sullivan had reason to fear for the safety 
of his army. Irritated at the departure of D'Estaing, he 
expressed in general orders to his army, " his hope that the 
event would prove America able to procure that, by her own 
arms, which her allies refused to assist in obtaining." These 
expressions were considered as imputing to D'Estaing and 
the French nation a disclination to promote the interests of 
the United States. When entreaties failed of persuading 
D'Estaing to return to the siege, a paper was drawn up and 
signed by the principal officers of the Americans, and sent 
to him, in which they protested against his taking the fleet 
to Boston, " as derogatory to the honour of France ; contra- 
ry to the intentions of his most Christian Majesty, and the 
interest of his nation ; destructive to the welfare of the 
United States, and highly injurious to the alliance between 
the two nations." So much discontent prevailed, that seri- 
ous apprehensions were entertained that the means of re- 
pairing the French fleet would not be readily obtained. 

Washington foresaw the evils likely to result from the 
general and mutual irritation which prevailed, and exerted 
all his influence to calm the minds of both parties. He had 
a powerful coadjutor in the Marquis de La Fayette, who was 
as deservedly dear to the Americans as to the French. His 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 9^ 

first duties were due to his king and country ; but he loved 
America, and was so devoted to the commander in chief of 
its armies, as to enter into his views, and second his soften- 
ing conciliatory measures, with truly filial affection. 

Washington also wrote to Gen. Heath, who commanded 
at Boston, and to Sullivan and Greene, who commanded at 
Rhode Island. In his letter to Gen. Heath, he stated his 
fears " that the departure of the French fleet from Rhode 
Island, at so critical a moment, would not only weaken the 
confidence of the people in their new allies, but produce 
such prejudice and resentment as might prevent their giving 
the fleet, in its present distress, such zealous and efFectuai 
assistance as was demanded by the exigence of affairs, and 
the true interests of America;" and added, "that it would 
be sound policy to combat these effects, and to give the best 
construction of Avhat had happened ; and at the same time 
to make strenuous exertions for putting the French fleet, as 
soon as possible, in a condition to defend itself, and be 
useful." He also observed as follows — " The departure of 
the fleet from Rhode Island, is not yet publickly announced 
here ; but when it is, I intend to ascribe it to necessity 
produced by the damage received in the late storm. This 
it appears to me is the idea which ought to be generally 
propagated. As I doubt not the force of these reasons 
will strike you equally with myself, I would recommend to 
you to use your utmost influence to palliate and soften 
matters, and to induce those whose business it is to provide 
succours of every kind for the fleet, to employ their utmost 
zeal and activity in doing it. It is our duty to make the 
best of our misfortunes, and not suffer passion to interfere 
with our interest and the publick good." 

In a letter to Gen. Sullivan, he observed — " The disagree- 
ment between the army under your command and the fleet, 
has given me very singular uneasiness. The continent at 
large is concerned in our cordiality, and it should be kept 
up by all possible means consistent with our honour and 
policy. First impressions are generally longest retained, 
and will serve to fix in a great degree our national charac 
ter with the French. In our conduct towards them, we 
should remember, that they are a people old in war, very 
strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire when others 
seem scarcely warmed. Permit me to recommend in the 
9 



94 THE LtFE OF 

most particular manner, the cultivation of harmony and 
good agreement, and your endeavours to destroy that ill- 
humour which may have found its way among the officers. 
It is of the utmost importance too that the soldiers and the 
people should know nothing of this misunderstanding ; or 
if it has reached them, that means may be used to stop its 
progress, and prevent its effects." 

In a letter to Gen. Greene, he observed — " I have not 
now time to take notice of the several arguments which 
were made use of, for and against the Count's quitting the 
harbour of Newport, and sailing for Boston. Right or 
wrong, it will probably disappoint our sanguine expectations 
of success, and, which I deem a still worse consequence, 
I fear it will sow the seeds of dissension and distrust between 
us and our new allies, unless the most prudent measures be 
taken to suppress the feuds and jealousies that have already 
risen. I depend much on your temper and influence to 
conciliate that animosity w'hich subsists between the Amer- 
ican and French officers in our service. I beg you will take 
every measure to keep the protest entered into by the Gen- 
eral Officers from being made publick. Congress, sensible 
of the ill consequences that will flow from our diflTerences 
being known to the world, have passed a resolve to that 
purpose. Upon the whole, my dear sir, you can conceive 
my meaning better than I can express it ; and I therefore 
fully depend on your exerting yourself to heal all private 
animosities between our principal officers and the French, 
and to prevent all illiberal expressions and reflections that 
may fall from the army at large." 

Washington also improved the first opportunity of re- 
commencing his correspondence with count D'Estaing, in 
a letter to him, which, without noticing the disagreements 
that had taken place, was vvell calculated to sooth every 
angry sensation which might have rankled in his mind. In 
the course of a short correspondence, the irritation which 
threatened serious mischiefs entirely gave way to returning 
good humour and cordiality. 

In another case about the same time the correct judge- 
ment of Washington proved serviceable to his country. 
In the last months of the year 1778, when the most active 
part of the campaign was over. Congress decided on a mag- 
nificent plan for the conquest of Canada. This was to be 



GEORGE WASHrNGTO>'. 95 

attempted in 1779 by land and water, on the side of the 
United States, and by a fleet and array from France. The 
plan was proposed, considered, and agreed to, before Wash- 
ington was informed of it. He was then desired to write 
to Dr. Franklin, the American minister at Paris, to interest 
him in securing the proposed co-operation of France. In 
reply to the communications of Congress, he observed — 
" The earnest desire I have strictly to comply in every in- 
stance with the views and instructions of Congress, cannot 
but make me feel the greatest uneasiness when I find myself 
in circumstances of hesitation or doubt, with respect to 
their directions ; but the perfect confidence I have in the 
justice and candour of that honourable body, emboldens me 
to communicate without reserve the difficulties which occur 
in the execution of their present order ; and the indulgence 
I have experienced on every former occasion induces me to 
imagine that the liberty I now take will not meet with 
disapprobation. 

"I have attentively taken up the report of the committee 
respecting the proposed expedition into Canada. I have 
considered it in several lights, and sincerely regret that I 
should feel my.self under any embarrassment in carrying it 
into execution. Still I remain of opinion, from a general 
review of things, and the state of our resources, that no ex- 
tensive system of co-operation with the French for the 
complete emancipation of Canada, can be positively decifled 
on for the ensuing year. To propose a plan of perfect co- 
operation with a foreign power, without a moral certainty 
in our supplies ; and to have that plan actually ratified 
with the court of Versailles, might be attended, in case of 
failure in the conditions on our part, with very fatal eflfects. 

" If I should seem unwilling to transmit the plan as pre- 
pared by Congress, with my observations, it is because I 
find myself under a necessity (in order to give our minister 
sufficient ground to found an application on,) to propose 
something more than a vague and indecisive plan, which, 
even in the event of a total evacuation of the States by the 
enemy, may be rendered impracticable in the execution by 
a variety of insurmountable obstacles ; or if I retain my 
present sentiments, and act consistently, I must point out 
the difficulties, as they appear to me, which must embarrass 
his negotiations, and may disappoint the views of Congress. 



96 THE LIFE OF 

** But proceeding on the idea of the enemy's leaving 
these States before the active part of the ensuing campaign, 
I should fear to hazard a mistake as to the precise aim and 
extent of the views of Congress. The conduct I am to ob- 
serve in writing to our minister at the court of France, does 
not appear sufficiently delineated. Were I to undertake it, 
I should be much afraid of erring through misconception. 
In this dilemma, I would esteem it a particular favour to be 
excused from writing at all on the subject, especially as it is 
the part of candour in me to acknowledge that I do not see 
my way clear enough to point out such a plan for co-opera- 
tion, as I conceive to be consistent with the ideas of Con- 
gress, and as will be sufficiently explanatory with respect 
to time and circumstances to give efficacy to the measure. 

" But if Congress still think it necessary for me to pro- 
ceed in the business, \ must request their more definitive 
and explicit instructions, and that they will permit me pre- 
vious to transmitting the intended despatches, to submit 
them to their determination. 

" I could wish to lay before Congress more minutely the 
§tate of the army, the condition of our supplies, and the re- 
quisites necessary for carrying into execution an underta- 
king that may involve the most serious events. If Congress 
think this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal 
conference, I hope to have the army in such a situation be- 
fore I can receive their answer as to afford me an opportu- 
nity of giving my attendance." 

The personal interview requested in this letter was agreed 
to by Congress, and a committee appointed by them to con- 
fer with him. The result was that the proposed expedition 
against Canada was given up by those who, after repeated 
deliberation, had resolved upon it. 



OEORGE WASHINGTON. 9# 



CHAP. VI. 



CAMPAIGN OP 1779. 

The distresses of the American army. Gen. Washington calms the un- 
easiness in the Jersey hne. Finds great difficulty in supporting his 
troops and concentrating their force. Makes a disposition of them with 
a view to the security of West Point. Directs an expedition against 
the Six Nations of Indians, and for the reduction of Stony Point. 
Paulus Hook taken. A French tieet, expected to the northward, ar- 
rives on the coast of Georgia. Washington, unequal to offensive ope- 
rations, retires into winter quarters. 

1779. 

The years 1779 and 1780, passed away in the northern 
states without any of those great military exploits which 
enliven the pages of history ; but they were years of anxie- 
ty and distress, which called for all the passive valour, the 
sound practical judgement, and the conciliatory address, for 
which Gen. ^Vashington was so eminently distinguished.* 
The states, yielding to the pleasing delusion that their aU 
iiance with France placed their independence beyond the 
reach of accident, and that Great Britain, despairing of 
success, would speedily abandon the contest, relaxed in their 
preparations for a vigorous prosecution of the war. To 
these ungrounded hopes Washington opposed the wliolc 
weight of his influence. In his correspondence with Con- 

* The camp, however, was not without its social and enlivening scenes. 
Thatcher says, under date of February 4, 1779: "The anniversary of 
our alliance with France was celebrated in proper style a few days since 
near Head Quarters, at Pluckemin. A splendid entertainment was given 
by Gen. Knox and the officers of artillery. General Washington and 
his lady, with the principal officers of the army and their ladies, and a 
considerable number of respectable ladies and gentlemen of the state of 
New Jersey, formed the brilliant assembly. About four o'clock, sixteen 
cannon were discharged, and the company collected in a large publick 
building to partake of an elegant dinner. In the evening a very beautiful 
set of fire-works was exhibited, and the celebration was concluded by a 
splendid ball, opened by his excellency General Washington, having for 
his partner the lady of General Knox. By thus entering into the inno- 
cent social enjoyments, and interesting himself in the personal welfare of 
his associates, as he did uniformly, the commander in chief greatly 
strengthened his influence. 

9* 



9B THE LIFE OF 

gressj the Governours of particular states, and other influen- 
tial individuals, he pointed out the fallacy of the prevailing 
opinion tliat peace was near at hand ; and the necessity for 
raising, equipping, and supporting, a force sufficient for act- 
ive operations. He particularly urged that the annual ar- 
rangements for the army should be made so early that the 
recruits for the year should assemble at Head Quarters on 
the first of January ; hut such was the torpor of the pub- 
lick mind that, notwithstanding these representations, it was 
as late as the 2.3d of January, 1779, when Congress passed 
resolutions authorizing the commander in chief to re-enlist 
the army ; and as late as the 9th of the following March, 
that the requisitions were made on the several states for 
their quotas. The military establishment for 1780 was 
later ; for it was not agreed upon till the 9th of February ; 
nor were the men required before the first of April. Thus, 
when armies ought to have been in the field, nothing more 
was done than a grant of the requisite authority for raising, 
them. 

The depreciation- of the current paper money had ad- 
vanced so rapidly as to render the daily pay of an officer 
unequal to his support.* This produced serious discontents 
in the army. An order was given in May, 1779, for the 
Jersey brigade to march by regiments to join the western^ 
army. In answer to this order a letter was received from 
Gen. Maxwell, stating that the officers of the first regiment 
had delivered to their Colonel a remonstrance, addressed ta 
the legislature of New .Jersey, in which they declared,, that 
unless their former complaints on the deficiency of pay ob- 
tained immediate attention, they were to be considered at 
the end of three days as having resigned their commissions ; 
and on that contingency they requested the legislature to 
appoint other officers in their stead. General Washington,, 
who was strongly attached to the army, and knew their vir- 
tue, their sufferings, and also the justice of their complaints, 
immediately comprehended the ruinous consequences likely 
to result from the measure they had adopted. After serious 
deliberation, he wrote a letter to Gen. Maxwell, to be laid 
before the officers. In the double capacity of their friend 
and their commander, he made a forcible address both to 

* Thatcher states, that in April, 1779, he \)a\d six hundred dollars (or- 
a horse, the value of which, was not more than eighty dollars in silver.. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99 

their pride and their patriotism. " There is notiiing," he 
observed, " which has happened in the course of the war, 
that has given me so much pain as the remonstrance you 
mention from the officers of the first Jersey regiment. I 
cannot but consider it a hasty and imprudent step, which, 
on more cool consideration, they will themselves condemn. 
I am very sensible of the inconveniences under which the 
officers of the army labour, and I hope they do me the jus- 
tice to believe, that my endeavours to procure them relief 
are incessant. There is more difficulty, however, in satis, 
fying their wishes, than perhaps they are aware of. Our 
resources have been hitherto very limited. The situation- 
of our money is no small embarrassment, for which, though 
there are remedies, they cannot be the work of a moment- 
Government is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices of 
the officers, nor unwilling to make a compensation ; but it 
is a truth of which a very little observation must convince 
us, that it is very much straitened in the means. Great 
allowances ought to be made on this account, for any delay 
and seeming backwardness which may appear. Some of 
the states, indeed, have done as generously as was in their 
power; and if others have been less expeditious, it ought to 
be ascribed to some peculiar cause, which a little time, aided 
by example, will remove. The patience and perseverence 
of the army have been, under every disadvantage, such as 
do them the highest honour at home and abroad, and have 
inspired me with an unlimited confidence in their virtue, 
which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse 
of fortune, to which our affairs, in a struggle of this nature, 
were necessarily exposed. Now that we have made so great 
a progress to the attainment of the end we have in view, so 
that we cannot fail, without a most shameful desertion of 
our own interests, any thing like a change of conduct would 
imply a very unhappy change of principles, and a forget- 
fulness as well of what we owe to ourselves as to our coun- 
try. Did I suppose it possible this should be the case, even 
in a single regim.ent of the army, I should be mortified and 
chagrined beyond expression. I should feel it as a wound 
given to my own honour, which I consider as embarked 
with that of the army. But this I believe to be impossible. 
Any corps that was about to set an example of the kind, 
would weigh well the consequences ; and no officer of com- 



100 TME LiFfi OF 

tnon discernment and sensibility would hazard them. If 
they should stand alone in it, independent of other conse- 
quences, what would be their feelinj^s on reflecting that they 
had held themselves out to the world in a point oflight infe- 
riour to the rest of the army? Or, if their example should 
be followed, and become general, how could they console 
themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin 
and disgrace upon their country ? They would remember 
that the army would share a double portion of the general 
infamy and distress ; and that the character of an Amer- 
ican officer would become as despicable as it is now 
glorious. 

" I confess the appearances in the present instance are 
disagreeable; but I am convinced they seem to mean more 
than they really do. The Jersey officers have not been 
outdone by any others, in the qualities either of citizens or 
soldiers ; and I am confident no part of them would seri- 
ously intend any thing that would be a stain on their for- 
mer reputation. The gentlemen cannot be in earnest ; they 
have only reasoned wrong about the means of attaining a 
good end, and, on consideration, I hope and flatter myself 
they will renounce what must appear improper. At the 
opening of a campaign, when pnder marching orders for an 
important service, their own honour, duty to the publick, 
and to themselves, and a regard to military propriety, will 
not suffer them to persist in a measure which would be a 
violation of them all. It will even wound their delicacy 
coolly to reflect, that they have hazarded a step which has 
an air of dictating terms to their country, by taking advan- 
tage of the necessity of the moment. 

"The declaration they have made to the state, at so crit- 
ical a time, that ' unless they obtain relief in the short peri- 
od of three days, they must be considered out of the service,' 
has very much that aspect ; and the seeming relaxation of 
continuing until the state can have a reasonable time to 
provide other oflicers, will be thought only a superficial veil. 
I am now to request that you will convey my sentiments to 
the gentlemen concerned, and endeavour to make them sen- 
sible of their errour. The service for which the regi- 
ment was intended, will not admit of delay. It must at all 
events march on Monday morning, in the first place to this 
camp, and further directions will be given when it arrives. 



GEOSGE WASHINGTON. lOf 

I am sure I shall not be mistaken in expecting a prompt 
and cheerful obedience." 

The officers did not explicitly recede from their claims, 
but were brought round so far as to continue in service. 
In an address to Gen. Washington, they declared " their 
unhappiness that any step of theirs should give him pain ; 
but alleged in justification of themselves, " that repeated 
memorials had been presented to their legislature, which 
had been neglected ;" and added — " We have lost all con- 
fidence in that body. Reason and experience forbid that 
we should have any. Few of us have private fortunes ; 
many have families who already are suffering every thing 
that can be received from an ungrateful country. Are we 
then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers 
of a military life, while our wives and our children are per- 
ishing for want of common necessaries at home ; and that 
without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is 
now only nominal ? We are sensible that your excellency 
cannot wish or desire this from us." 

" We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to dis- 
obey orders. It was, and still is, our determination to march 
with our regiment, and to do the^duty of officers, until the 
legislature should have a reasonable time to appoint others ; 
but no longer, 

" We beg leave to assure your excellency, that we have 
the highest sense of your ability and virtues ; that execu- 
ting your orders has ever given us pleasure ; that we love 
the service and we love our country ; but when that coun- 
try is so lost to virtue and to justice as to forget to support 
its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its 
service." 

The ground adopted by the officers for their justification, 
was such as interdicted a resort to stern measures ; at the 
same time a compliance with their demands was impossible. 
In this embarrassing situation, Washington took no other 
notice of their letter than to declare to the officers, through 
Gen. Maxwell, " that while they continued to do their duty, 
he should only regret the part they had taken." The le- 
gislature of New Jersey, roused by these events, made some 
partial provision for their troops. The officers withdrew 
their remonstrance, and continued to do their duty. 

The consequences likely to result from the measures 



102 THE LIFE OF 

adopted by the Jersey officers being parried by the good 
sense and prudence of Gen. Washington, he improved the 
event when communicated to Congress, by urging on them 
the absolute necessity of some general and adequate pro- 
vision for the officers of their army ; and observed, " that 
the distresses in some corps are so great, that officers have 
solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined for 
the common soldiery, coarse and unsuitable as it was. I 
had not power to comply with the request." 

*' The patience of men animated by a sense of duty and 
honour, will support them to a certain point, beyond which 
it will not go. I doubt not Congress will be sensible of the 
danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my 
anxiety to obviate it." 

The members of Congress were of different opinions res- 
pecting their military arrangements. While some were in 
unison with the General for a permanent national army, 
well equipped and amply supported, others were apprehen- 
sive of danger to their future liberties from such establish, 
ments, and gave a preference to enlistments for short peri- 
ods, not exceeding a year. These also were partial to state 
systems, and occasional calls of the militia, instead of a 
numerous regular force, at the disposal of Congress, or the 
commander in chief. From the various aspect of publick 
affairs, and the frequent change of members composing the 
national legislature, sometimes one party predominated, and 
sometimes another. On the whole, the support received by 
Washington was far short of what economy, as well as 
sound policy, required. 

The American army in these years was not only deficient 
in clothing, but in food. The seasons both in 1779 and 
1780, were unfavourable to the crops. The labours of the 
farmers had often been interrupted by calls for militia duty. 
The current paper money was so depreciated as to be deem- 
ed no equivalent for the productions of the soil. So great 
were the necessities of the American army, that Gen. Wash- 
ington was obliged to call on the magistrates of the adjacent 
counties for specified quantities of provisions, to be supplied 
in a given number of days. At other times he was com- 
pelled to send out detachments of his troops to take provi. 
sions at the point of the bayonet from the citizens. This 
expedient at length failed, for the country in the vicinity of 



GEOHGE WASHINGTON, 103 

the army afforded no further supplies. These impressments 
were not only injurious to the morals and discipline of the 
army, but tended to alienate the affections of the people. 
Much of the support which the American General had pre- 
viously experienced from the inhabitants, proceeded from 
the difference of treatment they received from their own 
army, compared with what they suffered from the British. 
The General, whom the inhabitants hitherto regarded as 
their protector, had now no alternative but to disband his 
troops, or to support them by force. The army looked to 
him for provisions ; the inhabitants for protection of their 
property. To supply the one and not offend the other, 
seemed httle less than an impossibility. To preserve order 
and subordination in an army of free republicans, even when 
well fed, paid, and clothed, would have been a work of diffi- 
culty ; but to retain them in service and restrain them with 
discipUne, when destitute not only of the comforts, but often 
of the necessaries of life, required address and abilities of 
such magnitude as are rarely found in human nature. In 
this choice of difficulties. Gen. Washington not only kept 
his army together, but conducted with so much discretion 
as to command the approbation both of the army and of the 
citizens. 

Nothing of decisive importance could be attempted with 
an army so badly provided, and so deficient in numbers. 
It did not exceed 13,000 men, while the British, strongly 
fortified in New York and Rhode Island, amounted to 16 or 
17,000. These were supported by a powerful fleet, which, 
by commanding the coasts and the rivers, furnished easy 
means for concentrating their force in any given point be- 
fore the Americans could march to the same. This disparity 
was particularly striking in the movements of the two ar- 
mies in the vicinity of the Hudson. Divisions of both were 
frequently posted on each side of that noble river. While 
the British could cross directly over and unite their forces 
in any enterprise, the Americans could not safely effect a 
correspondent junction, unless they took a considerable cir- 
cuit to avoid the British shipping. 

To preserve West Point and its dependencies, was a pri- 
mary object with Washington. To secure these he was 
obliged to refuse the pressing applications from the neigh- 
bouring states for large detachments from the continental 



*i04 THE LIFE OF 

army for their local defence. Early in the year, Sir Henry 
Clinton made some movements up the North River, which 
"indicated an intention of attacking the posts in the High- 
lands ; but in proportion as these were threatened, Wash- 
ington concentrated his force for their defence. This was 
done so effectually, that no serious direct attempt was made 
upon them. Clinton, hoping to allure the Americans from 
these fortresses, sent detachments to burn and lay waste the 
towns on the coast of Connecticut. This was done exten- 
sively. Norwalk, Fairfield, and New London, were destroy- 
ed. Washington, adhering to the principle of sacrificing 
small objects to secure great ones, gave no more aid to the 
suffering inhabitants than was compatible with the security 
of West Point. Though the force under his immediate 
command throughout the campaign of 1779, was unequal 
to any great undertaking, yet his active mind sought for 
and embraced such opportunities for offensive operations, 
as might be attempted without hazarding too much. 

The principal expedition of this kind, was directed against 
the Six Nations of Indians, who inhabited the fertile coun- 
try between the western settlements of New York and Penn- 
sylvania, and the lakes of Canada. These, from their vi- 
cinity and intercourse with the white people, had attained 
a degree of civilization exceeding what was usual among 
savages. To them, many refugee tories had fled, and di- 
rected them to the settlements, which they laid waste, and 
at the same time massacred the inhabitants. In the early 
period of Washington's life, while commander of the Vir- 
ginia troops, he had ample experience of the futility of forts 
for defence against Indians, and of the superiour advantage 
of carrying offensive operations into their towns and settle- 
ments. An invasion of the country of the Six Nations being 
resolved upon, the commander in chief bestowed much 
thought on the best mode of conducting it. The instruc- 
tions he gave to Gen. Sullivan, who was appointed to this 
service, were very particular, and much more severe than 
was usual, but not more so than retaliation justified, or po- 
licy recommended. Sullivan, with a considerable force, 
penetrated into the country of the Indians in three direc- 
tions, laid waste their crops, and burnt their towns. His 
success was decisive, and in a great measure secured the 
future peace of the frontier settlements. The late residence 



I^EOITGE WASHINGTON. 105 

of the savages was rendered so far uninhabitable, that they 
were reduced to the necessity of seeking an asylum in the 
more remote western country. 

While the British were laying waste Connecticut, Wash* 
ington, after reconnoitering the ground in person, planned 
an expedition against Stony Point, a commanding hill, pro<. 
jecting far into the Hudson, on the top of which a fort had 
been erected, which was garrisoned with about 600 men. 
One of the motives for assaulting this work, was the hope 
that, if successful, it might induce the detachment which 
had invaded Connecticut, to desist from their devastations, 
and to return to the defence of their own outposts. The 
enterprise was assigned to Gen. Wayne, who completely 
succeeded in reducing the fort and capturing its garrison.* 

Sir Henry Clinton, on receiving intelligence of Wayne's 
success, relinquished his views on Connecticut, and made a 
forced march to Dobb's ferry, twenty. six miles above New 
York. 

The reduction of Stony Point was speedily followed by 
the surprise of the British garrison at Paulus Hoek. This 
was first conceived and planned by Major Henry Lee.f 
On being submitted to Gen. Washington, he favoured the 
enterprise, but withheld his full assent, till he was satisfied 
of the practicability of a retreat, of which serious doubts 
were entertained. Lee, with 300 men, entered the fort 
about three o'clock in the morning, and with very incon- 
siderable loss, took 159 prisoners, and brought them off in 
safety from the vicinity of large bodies of the enemy. 

The reasons already mentioned, for avoiding all hazard- 
ous offensive operations, were strongly enforced by a well 
founded expectation that a French fleet would appear on 
the coast, in the course of the year 1779. Policy required 
that the American army should be reserved for a co-opera. 
tion with their allies. The fleet,:j: as expected, did arrive, 

* This signal and brilliant victory was gained with the point of the 
bayonet alone, and with the loss of fifteen men killed, and the G^enera! 
(Wayne) and eighty-three wounded ; while on the part of the enemy, five 
hundred soldiers and twenty officers were killed, wounded, and taken 
prisoners, with all their cannon, arms, miUtary stores and provisions. 

t Commander of the celebrated troop of Virginia light horse. 

t This was the fleet of the Count D'Estaing, who after leaving Boston 
the fall previous, proceeded to the West Indies, where he took St. Vincent 
and Grenada, and had an engagement with the British fleet under Ad- 

10 



106 THE LIFE OP 

but in the vicinity of Georgia. The French troops, in 
conjunction with the southern army commanded by Gen. 
Lincoln, made an unsuccessful attempt on the British post 
in Savannah. This town had been reduced in December, 
1778, by Col. Campbell, who had proceeded so far as to re- 
establish British authority in the state of Georgia. Soon 
after the defeat of the combined forces before Savannah, and 
the departure of the French fleet from the coast, Sir Henry 
Clinton proceeded with the principal part of his army to 
Charleston, and confined his views in New York to defen- 
sive operations. 

The campaign of 1779 terminated in the northern states, 
as has been related, without any great events on either side. 
Washington defeated all the projects of the British for 
getting possession of the Highlands. The Indians were 
scourged, and a few brilliant strokes kept the publick mind 
from despondence. The Americans went into winter quar- 
ters when the month of December was far advanced. These 
were chosen for the convenience of wood, water, and pro- 
visions, and with an eye to the protection of the country. 
To this end, the army was thrown into two grand divisions. 
The northern was put under the command of Gen. Heath, 
and stationed with a view to the security of West Point, its 
dependencies, and the adjacent country. The other retired 
to Morristown in New Jersey. In this situation, which 
was well calculated to secure the country to the southward 
of New York, Washington, with the principal division of 
his army, took their station for the winter. The season fol- 
lowing their retirement, was uncommonly severe. The 
British in New York and Staten Island no longer enjoyed 
the security which their insular situation usually afforded. 
The former suffered from the want of fuel, and other supplies 
from the country. To add to their difficulties, Washington 
so disposed his troops as to give the greatest possible obstruc- 
tion to the communication between the British garrison, and 
such of the inhabitants without their lines as were disposed 
to supply their wants. This brought on a partisan war, 
in which individuals were killed, but without any national 
effect. Had Washington been supported as he desired, the 

miral Byron, in which the Count claimed the victory, and so many 
of the British ships were disabled that the Admiral was compelled to re- 
tire into port, in order to refit. 



QEORGE WASHINGTON. lOf 

V/eakness of the British army, in consequence of their large 
detachments to the southward, in conjunction with the 
severity of the winter, would have given him an opportuni- 
ty for indulging his native spirit of enterprise. But he 
durst not attempt any thing on a grand scale, for his army 
was not only inferiour in number to that opposed to him, 
but so destitute of clothing as to be unequal to a winter 
campaign. 



CHAP. v[r. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 

Gen. Washington directs an expedition against Staten Island. Gives 
an opinion against risking an army for the defence of Charleston, S. C. 
Finds great difficulty in supporting his army. Kniphausen invades 
Jersey, but is prevented from injuring the American stores. Marquis de 
La Fayette arrives, and gives assurance that a French fleet and army 
might soon be expected on the American coast. Energetick measures 
of co-operation resolved upon, but so languidly executed, that Wash- 
ington predicts the necessity of a more efficient system of national 
government. A French fleet and army arrives, and a combined ope- 
ration against New York is resolved upon, but the arrival of a superiour 
British fleet, deranges the whole plan. 

1780. 

The military estalishment for the year 1780, was nomi- 
nally 35,000 ; but these were not voted till the 9th of Feb- 
ruary, and were not required to be in camp before the first 
of April following. Nothwithstanding these embarrass- 
ments, the active mind of Washington looked round for an 
opportunity of deriving some advantage from the present 
exposed situation of his adversary. From recent intelli- 
gence, he supposed that an attack on about 1,200 British, 
posted on Staten Island, might be advantageously made, 
especially in its present state of union with the continent, 
by an unbroken body of solid ice. The prospect of success 
depended on the chance of a surprise ; and if this failed, 
of reducing the enemy, though retired within their fortifica- 
tions, before reinforcements could arrive from New York. 
The vigilence of the commanding officer prevented the first ; 
the latter could not be depended on ; for, contrary to the 
first received intelligence, the communication between the 



308 THE LIFE OF 

island and the city, though difficult, was practicable. The 
works were too strong for an assault, and rehef too near to- 
admit of the' delays of a siege. Lord Stirling,* with 2,500 
men, entered the island on the night of the 14th of January. 
An alarm was instantly and generally communicated to the 
posts, and a boat despatched to New York to communicate 
intelligence, and to solicit aid. The Americans, after some 
slight skirmishes, seeing no prospect of success and apprehen- 
sive that a reinforcement from New York might endanger 
their safety, very soon commenced their retreat. This was 
effected without any considerable loss ; but from the in- 
tenseness of the cold, and deficiency of warm clothing, several 
were frostbitten. 

Soon after this event, the siege of Charleston commenced, 
and was so vigorously carried on by Sir Henry Clinton, as 
to effect the surrender of that place on the 12th of May, 
1780. Gen. Washington, at the distance of more than 
eight hundred miles, could have no personal agency in de- 
fending that most important southern mart. What was in 
his power was done, for he weakened himself by detaching 
from the army under his own immediate command, the 
troops of North Carolina, the new levies of Virginia, and 
the remnants of the southern cavalry. Though he had never 
been in Charleston, and was without any personal knowledge 
of its harbour, yet he gave an opinion respecting it, which 
evinced the soundness of his practical judgement. In every 
other case, the defence of towns had been abandoned, so 
far as to risk no armies for that purpose ; but in South Car- 
olina, Gen. Lincoln, for reasons that were satisfactory to 
his superiours, adopted a different line of conduct. Four 

* This general with an arisiocratick title, whose name occurs so often 
in these pages, was nevertheless a sterling republican. He was origin- 
ally a respectable merchant, in the city of New York, by the name of 
William Alexander, of Scotch descent. He married into the Livingston 
family. In 1757, being in England, he was induced to lay claim to the 
Scottish Earldom of Stirling, of which h§ bore the family name, and 
which had been without an owner since 1739. He established his direct 
descent, before a jury of service, according to the Scottish law; and in 
consequence of this, believing his claim certain, the title was bestowed 
upon him by his friends, and adopted by himself. The British House of 
Lords subsequently decided against his claim ; but he retained the title to 
the end of his life. He warmly and sincerely espoused the American 
cause, and distinguished himself in several engagements, more particu- 
larly at the battle of Monmouth. He died at Albany, while in chief com- 
mand of the northern department, Jan. f5ih 1783. 



GfiOEGK WASiilNGTON. 109 

eontineSital frigates were ordered to the defence of Charles- 
ton, and stationed within its bar ; nnd a considerable state 
marine force co-operated with them. This new mode of 
defence was the more readily adopted, on the generally re- 
ceived idea, that this marine force could be so disposed of 
within the bar, as to make effectual opposition to the British 
ships attempting to cross it. In the course of the siege 
this was found to be impracticable, and all ideas of disputing 
the passage of the bar were given up. This state of things 
being communicated by Lieut. Col. John Laurens to Geni 
Washington, the General replied — "The impracticability 
of defending the bar, I fear, amounts to the loss of the town 
and garrison. At this distance, it is impossible to judge for 
you. I have the greatest confidence in Gen. Lincoln's 
prudence ; but it really appears to me, that the propriety of 
attempting to defend the town, depended on the probability 
of defending the bar, and that when this ceased^ the attempt 
ought to have been relinquished. In this, however, I suspend 
a definitive judgement ; and wish you to consider what I say 
as confidential," The event corresponded with the Gener- 
al's predictions. The British vessels, after crossing the bar 
without opposition, passed the forts and took such a station 
in Cooper river, as, in conjunction with the land forcesj 
made the evacuation of the town by the Americans impos- 
sible, and finally produced the surrender of their whole 
southern army. 

When intelligence of this catastrophe reached the north- 
ern states, the American army was in the greatest distress. 
This had been often represented to Congress, and was par- 
ticularly stated to Gen. Schuyler in a letter from Gen. 
Washington, in the following words : " Since the date of 
my last, we have had the virtue and patience of the army 
put to the severest trial. Sometimes it has been five or six 
days together without bread ; at other times as many days 
without meat ; and once or twice tv,^ or three days without 
either. I hardly thought it possible, at one period, that we 
should be able to keep it together, nor could it have been 
done but for the exertions of the magistrates in the several 
counties of this state, on whom I was obliged to call ; ex- 
pose our situation to them ; and, in plain terms, declare that 
we were reduced to the alternative of disbanding or cater- 
ing for ourselves^ unless the inhabitants would afford us their 
10* 



101 THE LIFE OF 

aid. I allotted to each county a certain proportion of flour 
or grain, and a certain number of cattle, to be delivered on 
certain days ; and, for the honour of the magistrates, and 
the good disposition of the people, I must add, that my re^ 
quisitions were punctually complied with, and in many 
counties exceeded. Nothing but this great exertion could 
have saved the army from dissolution or starving, as we 
were bereft of every hope from the commissaries. At one 
time the soldiers eat every kind of horse food but hay. 
Buckwheat, common wheat, rye, and Indian corn, composed 
the meai' which made their bread. As an army, they bore 
it with most heroic patience ; but sufferings like these, ac- 
companied by the want of clothes, blankets, &c. will pro- 
duce frequent desertion in all armies ; and so it happened 
with us, though it did not excite a single mutiny."* 

The paper money with which the troops were paid, was 
in a state of depreciation daily increasing. The distresses 
from this source, though felt in 1778, and still more so in 
1779, did not arrive to the highest pitch till the year 1780. 
Under the pressure of sufferings from this cause, the officers 
of the Jersey line addressed a memorial to their state legis- 
lature, setting forth "that four months pay of a private, 
would not procure for his family a single bushel of wheat : 
that the pay of a colonel would not purchase oats for his 
horse ; that a common labourer or express rider, received 

* The annexed anecdote, by way of a more pleasant illuatration, is re- 
lated by Thatcher, under date of " Morristow7i, January 1st, 1780.— A 
new year commences, but brings no relief to the sufferinjrs and privations- 
of our army. Our canvass covering affords but a miserable security from 
storms of rain and snow, and a great scarcity of provisions still prevails, 
and its effects are felt even at Head Quarters, as appears by the following 
anecdote. ' We have nothing but die rations to cook, Sir,' said Mrs. 
Thomson, a very worthy Inshwomari and housekeeper (o Gen. Wash- 
ington. • Well, Mrs. Thomson, you must then cook the rations, for I 
have not a farthing to give you.' ' If you please. Sir, let one of the gen- 
tlemen give me an order for six bushels of salt.' ' Six bushels of salt, 
for what?' ' To preserve the fresh beef, Sir.' One of the aids gave the 
order, and the next day his excellency's table was amply provided. Mr^. 
Thomson was sent for, and told that she had done very wrong to expend 
her own money, for it was not known when she could he repaid. ' I owe 
you,' said his excellency, ' too much already to permit the debt being 
increased, and our situation is not at this moment such as to induce very 
sanguine hope.' * Dear Sir, said the good old lady, 'it is always darkest 
juBt before daylight, and I hope your excellency will forgive me for bar- 
tering the salt for other necessaries which are now on the table.' Salt 
was eight dollars a bushel, and it might always be exchanged with the 
country people for articles of provision." 



GEORGE WASHINGTOIC. 11 T 

four times as much as an A?Tierican officer." They urged 
that " unless a speedy and ample remedy was provided, the 
total dissolution of their line was inevitable." In addition- 
to the insufficiency of their pay and support, other causes 
of discontent prevailed. The original idea of a continental 
army to be raised, paid, subsisted, and regulated, upon au 
equal and uniform principle, had been in a great measure 
exchanged for state establishments. This mischievous 
measure partly originated from necessity ; for state credit 
was not quite so much depreciated as continental. Con. 
gress not possessing the means of supporting their army, 
devolved the business on the component parts of the con- 
federacy*. Some states, from their internal ability and local 
advantages, furnished their troops not only with clothing, 
but with many conveniencies. Others supplied them witb- 
some necessaries, but on a more contracted scale. A few, 
from their particular situation, could do little, or nothing at 
all. The officers and men in the routine of duty mixed 
daily, and compared circumstances. Those who fared 
worse than others, were dissatisfied with a service which 
made such injurious distinctions. From causes of this 
kind, superadded to a complication of wants and sufTeringSf 
a disposition to mutiny began to show itself in the Amer- 
ican army. Very few of the officers were rich. To make 
an appearance suitable to their station, required an expend- 
iture of the little all which most of them possessed. The 
supplies from the publick were so inadequate as to compel 
frequent resignations. The officers of whole lines announ- 
ced their determination to quit the service. The personal 
influence of Gen. Washington was exerted with the officers 
in preventing their adoption of such ruinous measures, and 
with the states to remove the causes which led to them. 

Soon after the surrender of the whole southern army, and 
at the moment the northern was in the greatest distress for 
the necessaries of life. Gen. Kniphausen passed from New- 
York into New Jersey with 5000 men. These were soon 
reinforced with a detachment of the victorious troops 
returned with Sir Henry Clinton from South Carolina, ft 
is difficult to tell what was the precise object of this expe- 
dition. Perhaps the royal commanders hoped to get pos-- 
session of Morristown, and destroy the American stores. 
Perhaps they flattered themselves that the inhabitants, die-. 



112 THE LIFE OF 

pirited by the recent fall of Charleston, would submit with- 
out resistance ; and that the soldiers would desert to the 
royal standard. Sundry movements took place on both 
sides, and also smart skirmishes, but without any decisive 
effect. At one time Washington conjectured that the de- 
struction of his stores was the object of the enemy ; at ano- 
ther, that the whole was a feint to draw off his attention, 
while they pushed up the North river from New York, to 
attack West Point. The American army was stationed 
with a view to both objects. The security of the stores was 
attended to, and such a position taken, as would compel the 
British to fight under great disadvantages, if they risked 
a general action to get at them. The American General 
Howe, who Commanded at the Highlands, was ordered to 
Concentrate his force for the security of West Point ; and 
Washington with the principal division of his army, took 
such a middle position, as enabled him either to fall back to 
defend his stores, or to advance for the defence of West 
l^oint, as circumstances might require. The first months 
of the year were spent in these desultory operations. The 
disasters to the south produced no disposition in the north 
to give up the contest ; but the tardiness of Congress and 
bf the states 5 the weakness of government, and the depre- 
ciation of the money, deprived Washington of all means of 
attempting any thing beyond defensive operations. 

In this state of languor Marquis de La Fayette arrived 
from France,* with assurances that a French fleet and army 
might soon be expected on the coast. This roused the 
Americans from that lethargy into which they seemed to be 
sinking. Requisitions on the states for men and money,- 
Were urged with uncommon earnestness. Washington, iU 
his extensive correspondence throughout the United States, 
endeavoured to stimulate the publick mind to such exertions 
as the approaching crisis required. In addition to argu- 
Inents formerly used, he endeavoured on this occasion, by a 
temperate view of European politicks, to convince his coun. 
trymen of the real danger of their independence, if they 
neglected to improve the advantages they might obtain by 

*The Marquis had left America the year previous, with the ostensible 
design of entering the French service upon the continent; but, in reality, 
for the purpose of urging upon the French government more efficient aid, 
in men and money, to the American cause. In these efforts he was per- 
severing and successful, and had now returned to consummate his patri- 
otick services. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 113 

a great and manly effort, in conjunction with the succours 
expected from France. The resolutions of Congress for 
this purpose were slowly executed. The quotas assigned to 
the several states were by their respective legislatures appor- 
tioned on the several counties and towns. These divisions 
were again subdivided into classes, and each class was called 
upon to furnish a man. This predominance of state sys- 
tems over those which were national, was foreseen and 
lamented by the commander in chief In a letter to a mem- 
ber of the national legistature he observed, "that unless- 
Congress speaks in a more decisive tone ; unless they are 
vested with powers by the several states competent to the 
great purposes of the war, or assume them as matter of right, 
and they and the states respectively act with more energy 
than hitherto they have done ; our cause is lost. We can 
no longer drudge on in the old way. By ill-timing the 
adoption of measures ; by delays in the execution of them, 
or by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous expenses, 
and derive no benefit. One state will comply with a requi- 
sition from Congress ; another neglects to do it ; a third 
executes it by halves ; and all differ in the manner, the mat- 
ter, or so much in point of time, that we are always working 
up hill ; and while such a system as the present one, or rather 
want of one, prevails, we ever shall be unable to apply our 
strength or resources to any advantage." 

" This, my dear sir, is plain language to a member of 
Congress ; but it is the language of truth and friendship. 
It is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict 
observation. I see one head gradually changing into thir- 
teen ; I see one army branching into thirteen ; and, instead 
of looking up to Congress as the supreme controHing power 
of the United States, considering themselves as dependent 
on their respective states. In a word, I see the power of 
Congress declining too fast for the consequence and respect 
which are due to them as the great representative body of 
America, and am fearful of the consequences." 

From the embarrassments which cramped the operations 
of Washington, a partial temporary relief was obtained 
from private sources. When Congress could neither com- 
mand money nor credit for the subsistence of their army, 
the citizens of Philadelphia formed an association to procure 
a supply of necessary articles for their suffering soldiers^ 



114 tHE LIfE OF 

the sum of 300,000 dollars was subscribed in a few days»- 
and converted into a bank, the principal design of which 
was to piircliase provisions for the troops in the most prompt 
and efficacious manner. Tiie advantages of this institution 
were great, and particularly enhanced by tiie critical time 
in which it was instituted. 

The Ladies of Philadelphia, about tlie same time, sub* 
scribed larged donations for the immediate relief of the suf- 
fering soldiers.* These supplies, though liberal, were far 
short of u sufficiency for the army. So late as the 20th of 
June, Gen. Washington informed Congress that he still la- 
boured under the painful and humiliating embarrassment 
of having no shirts to deliver to the troops, many of whom 
were absolutely destitute of that necessary article ; nor 
were they much better supplied with summer overalls. " For 
the troops to be without clothing at any time, he added, is 
highly injurious to the service, and distressing to our feelings ; 
but the want will be more peculiarly mortifying when they 
come to act with those of our allies. If it be possible, I 
have no doubt immediate measures will be taken to relieve 
their distress." 

" It is also most sincerely to be wished that there could 
be some supplies of clothing furnished to the officers. 
There are a great many whose condition is miserable. This 
is, in some instances, the case with whole lines. It would 
be well for their own sakes, and for the publick good, if 
they could be furnished. They will not be able, when our 
friends come to co-operate with us, to go on a common rou- 
tine of duty ; and if they should, they must from their ap. 
pearance be held in low estimation." 

The complicated arrangements for raising and support- 
ing the American army, which was voted for the campaign, 
were so tardily executed that when the summer was far 
advanced, Washington was uninformed of the force on 
which he might rely ; and of course could not fix on any 

* Gen. La Fayette put down the name of his wife for a subscription of 
one hundred guineas. Chastollux states, that on visitinsr Mrs. Bache, 
the daughter of Dr. Franklin, he was shown into a room filled with shirts 
which had been made for the soldiers, by the ladies of Philadelphia.— 
"The ladies bought the linen from their own private purses, and took a 
pleasure in cutting them out and sewing them themselves. On each 
shirt was the name of the married or unmarried lady who made it, and 
tUey amounted to 2200." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115 

certain plan of operations for the combined armies. In a 
letter to Congress he expressed his embarrassment in the 
following words — " The season is come when we have every 
reason to expect the arrival of the fleet ; and yet for want 
of this point of primary consequence, it is impossible for 
me to form a system of co-operation. T have no basis to 
act upon, and of course were this generous succour of our 
ally now to arrive, I should find myself in the most awkward, 
embarrassing and painful situation. The General and the 
Admiral, as soon as they approach our coast, will require 
of me a plan of the measures to be pursued, and there ought 
of right to be one prepared ; but circumstanced as I am, I 
cannot even give them conjectures. From these considera- 
tions I yesterda)^ suggested to the committee the indispen- 
sable necessity of their writing again to the states, urging 
them to give immediate and precise information of the 
measures they have taken, and of the result. The interest 
of the states — the honour and reputation of our councils — 
the justice and gratitude due to our allies — all require that 
I should without delay be enabled to ascertain and inform 
them what we can or cannot undertake. There is a point 
which ought now to be determined, on the success of which 
all our future operations may depend ; on which, for want of 
knowing our prospects, I can make no decision. For fear 
of involving the fleet and army of our allies in circumstances 
which would expose them, if not seconded by us, to material 
inconvenience and hazard, I shall be compelled to suspend 
it, and the delay may be fatal to our hopes." 

In this state of uncertainty, Washington meditated by 
night and day on the various contingencies which were 
probable. He revolved the possible situations in which the 
contending armies might be placed, and endeavoured to pre- 
pare for every plan of combined operations which future 
contingent events might render adviseable. 

On the 10th of July the expected French fleet and army 
appeared on the coast of Rhode Island. The former consist- 
ed of seven sail of the line, five frigates, and five smaller 
vessels. The latter of 6,000 men. The Chevalier Terney 
and Count Rochambeau, who commanded the fleet and army, 
immediately transmitted to Gen. Washington an account 
of their arrival, of their strength, their expectations, and 
orders. At that time not more than one thousand men had 



116 THE LIFE OF 

joined the American army. A commander of no tnore than 
common firmness, would have resigned his commission in 
disgust, for not being supported by his country. Very dif- 
ferent was the line of conduct adopted by Washington. 
Trusting that the promised support would be forwarded with 
all possible despatch, he sent on to the French commanders 
by the Marquis de La Fayette, definite proposals for com- 
mencing the siege of New York. Of this he gave informa- 
tion to Congress in a letter, in the following words: "Pressed 
on all sides by a choice of difficulties, in a moment which 
required decision, I have adopted that line of conduct which 
comported with the dignity and faith of Congress, the repu- 
tation of these states, and the honour of our arms. I have 
sent on definitive proposals of co-operation to the French Ge- 
neral and Admiral. Neither the period of the season, nor a 
regard to decency, would permit delay. The die is cast ; and 
it remains with the states either to fulfil their engagements^ 
preserve their credit, and support their independence, or to 
involve us in disgrace and defeat. Notwithstanding the fail- 
ures pointed out by the committee, I shall proceed on the 
supposition that they will ultimately consult their own inter- 
est and honour, and not suffer us to fail for the want of means, 
which it is evidently in their power to afford. What has 
been done, and is doing by some of the states, confirms the 
opinion I have entertained, of sufficient resources in the 
country. Of the disposition of the people to submit to any 
arrangement for bringing them forth, I see no reasonable 
ground to doubt. If we fail for want of proper exertions in 
any of the governments, I trust the responsibility will fall 
where it ought, and that I shall stand justified to Congress, 
my country, and the world." 

The fifth of the next month, August,, was named as the 
day when the French troops should embark, and the Amer- 
ican army assemble in Morrisania, for the purpose of com- 
mencing their combined operations. Very soon after the 
arrival of the French fleet. Admiral Greaves reinforced the 
British naval force in the harbour of New York, with six 
ships of the line. Hitherto the French had a naval supe- 
riority. Without it, all prospect of success in the proposed 
attack on New York was visionary ; but this being suddenly 
and unexpectedly reversed, the plan for combined operations 
became eventual. The British Admiral having now the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 117 

stiperlority, proceeded to Rhode Island to attack the French 
in that quarter. He soon discovered that the French were 
perfectly secure from any attack by sea. Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, who had returned in the preceding moniii with his vic- 
torious troops from Charleston, embarked about 8,000 of 
his best men, and proceeded as far as Huntingdon Bay, on 
Long Island, with the apparent design of concurring with 
the British fleet in attacking the French force at Rhode 
Island. When this movement took place, Washington set 
his army in motion, and proceeded to Peekskill. Had Sir 
Henry Clinton prosecuted what appeared to be his design, 
Washington intended to have attacked New York in his 
absence. Preparations were made for this purpose, but Sir 
Henry Clinton instantly turned about from Huntingdon Bay 
towards New York. 

In the mean time, the French fleet and army being blocked 
up at Rhode Island, were incapacitated from co-operating 
with the Americans. Hopes were nevertheless indulged, 
that by the arrival of another fleet of his Most Christian 
Majesty, then in the West Indies, under the command of 
Count de Guichen, the superiority would be so much in 
favour of the allies, as to enable them to prosecute their 
original intention of attacking New York. When the ex- 
pectations of the Americans were raised to the highest pitch, 
and when they were in great forwardness of preparation to 
act in concert with their allies, intelligence arrived that 
Count de Guichen had sailed for France. This disappoint- 
ment was extremely mortifying. 

Washington still adhered to his purpose of attacking 
New York at some future more favourable period. On this 
subject he corresponded with the French commanders, and 
had a personal interview with them on the twenty. first of 
September, at Hartford.* The arrival of Admiral Rodney 

♦ During the absence of Gen, Washington, accompanied by Generals 
La Fayette and Knox, at this interview, the treason of Benedict Arnold 
was consummated ; and, on their return, discovered. Arnold had for 
eighteen months meditated treason ; and sought the command of West 
Point, for the purpose of delivering up that important post to the enemy. 
He had corresponded with the Bntish General, Sir Henry Clinton, who 
assigned the management of the affair to his aid-de-camp. Major Andre. 
When Gen. Washington crossed the Hudson, Sept. 18th, on his way to 
Hartford, Arnold showed him a letter from Col. Robinson, on board' the 
British sloop of war Vulture, then at anchor at King's Perry, about twelve 
miles below West Point, which requested an interview with him, to confer 

11 



118 THE LIFE OF 

on the American coast, a short time after, witji eleven ships 
of the line, disconcerted for that season, all the plans of the 
aljies. Washington felt with infinite regret, a succession of 
abortive projects throughout the campaign of 1780. In 

upon some private affairs. Washington told him to refuse the rendezvous. 
He then sought a private interview with Andre, which took place on the 
night of the 21st, at the house of one Smith, near Long Clove. Andre, 
not being able, as he desired, to return on board the Vulture, was fur- 
nished by Arnold with a passport, under the assumed name of John An- 
derson ; and, disguised, attempted to return to New York on horseback, 
when he was captured near Tarrytown, by Paulding, WiUiams, and Van 
Wart, as is recorded in the history of the times. The papers found on 
Andre being exact returns of the forces, and other particulars in Arnold's 
handwriting, furnished sufficient proofs of his guilt; but Col. Jameson, 
commander of the American frontier post, into whose hands Andre was 
delivered by his captors, not having read the papers, or astonished be- 
yond a comprehension of their nature, wrote lo Arnold, informhig him of 
"John Anderson's" arrest. Soon after, becoming sensible of the errour 
of this step, he despatched an express to meet General Washington, then 
known to be on his return from Hartford, with the particulars, and a 
letter from Andre, avowing his true character. This express took a dif- 
ferent road from that by which the General was returning, and therefore 
missed of its object. Washington arrived in the vicinity of Arnold's 
house, which was on the east side of ihe river, on the morning of the 25th ; 
and would have been present when Arnold received Jameson's letter, 
informing him of Andre's arrest, had he nor turned aside with Generals 
La Fayette and Knox, for the purpose of examhiing a redoubt. Colonels 
Hamilton and M'Henry, aids to Gen. Washington and La Fayette, had 
gone on before to request Mrs, Arnold not to wait breakfast for them. 
In their presence, Arnold received Jameson's letter. He turned pale, re- 
tired to his room, and sent for his wife, who fainted. Without returning ta 
the drawing room, he mounted his aid-de- camp's horse, which stood ready 
saddled at the door, and leaving word for Gen. Washington, that he 
would wait for him at West Point, hurried to the bank of the river, got 
on board his barge, and was rowed on board the Vulture. Washington 
arrived soon after, and supposing Arnold had gone to West Point to pre- 
pare for his reception, without entering into the house, passed over the 
river, but was surprised in not meeting Arnold there, as he expected. He 
returned to Arnold's house, to dinner, where he found Mrs. Arnold, con- 
fined to her chamber, in the utmost agony of mind, and deprived of her 
reason. He then first had a suspicion, which he avowed to Col. Lamb, 
that Arnold had deserted to the enemy. About two hours after, the ex- 
press of Col. Jameson arrived, with a disclosure of the facts. Thus was 
providentially arrested a diabolical treason, which might have proved fatal 
to the American cause; for had Andre escaped. West Point, together with 
the Commander in Chief of the American army, with Generals La Fayette 
and Knox, and suite, might have been betrayed into the hands of the 
enemy. Such, probably, was the double design of the traitor. Andre, 
in whose behalf much sympathy was excited, it is well known, was tried, 
condemned, and executed as a spy. Arnold received a commission in 
the British army, and became, for the remainder of the war, one of the 
most active and vindictive enemies of the American cause : but ha lived 
despised as well by those he served, as those he attempted to betray, and 
his memory is held in execration by all mankind. 



GEORGE WASaiNGTON. 119 

that year, and not before, he had indulged the hope of happily 
terminating the war. In a letter to a friend, he wrote as 
follows ; " We are now drawing to a close an inactive cam- 
paign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events 
of a very favourable complexion. I hoped, but I hoped in 
vain, that a prospect was opening which would enable me 
to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore me to 
domestick life. The favourable disposition of Spain ; the 
promised succour from France ; the combined force in the 
West Indies ; the declaration of Russia, (acceded to by 
other powers of Europe, humiliating the naval pride and 
power of Great Britain ;) the superiority of France and 
Spain by sea, in Europe ; the Irish claims, and English 
disturbances, formed in the aggregate an opinion in my 
breast, (which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams ;) 
that the hour of deliverance was not far distant ; for that, 
however unwilling Great Britain might be to yield the point, 
it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But, 
alas ! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved 
delusory ; and I see nothing before us but accumulating 
distress. We have been half of our time without provisions, 
and are likely to continue so. We have no magazines, nor 
money to form them. We have lived upon expedients until 
we can live no longer. In a word, the history of the war 
is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, instead 
of system and economy. It is in vain, however, to look 
back ; nor is it our business to do so. Our case is not des- 
perate, if virtue exists in the people, and there is wisdom 
among our rulers.* But to suppose that this great revolu- 

* Of the unwavering confidence of Washington, in the cause he had 
espoused, the following incident, related in the memoirs of Count Mathieu 
Dumas, who was an aid-de-camp to Gen. Rochambeau, and distinguished 
himself in the decisive campaign of 1781, in Virginia, is an interesting 
illustration : " General Washington, accompanied by the Marquis de La 
Fayette, repaired in person to tne French head quarters. We had been 
impatient to see the hero of liberty. His dignified address, his simplicity 
of manners, and mild gravity, surpassed our expectation, and won every 
heart. After having conferred with Count Rochambeau, as he was leav- 
ing us to return to his head quarters near West Point, I received the wel- 
come order to accompany him as far as Providence. We arrived there at 
night ; the whole of the population had assembled from the suburbs; we 
were surrounded by a crowd of children carrying torches, reiterating the 
acclamations of the citizens : all were eager to approach the person of him 
whom they called their father, and pressed so closely around us that they 
itindered us from proceeding. General Washington was much affected, 



120 



THE LIFE OF 



tion can be accomplished by a temporary army ; that this 
army will be subsisted by state supplies ; and that taxation 
alone is adequate to our wants, is, in my opinion absurd." 



CHAP. VIII. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 

The Pennsylvania line mutinies. The Jersey troops follow their example, 
but are quelled by decisive measures. Gen. Washington commences 
a rniUtary journal, detailing the wants and distresses of his army. Is 
invited to the defence of his native state, Virginia, but decUnes. Rep- 
rimands the manager of his private estate for furnishing the enemy 
with supplies, to prevent the destruction of his property. Extinguishes 
the incipient flames of a civil war, respecting the independence of the 
state of Vermont. Plans a combined operation against the British, and 
deputes Lieut. Col. John Laurens to solicit the co-operation of the 
French. The combined forces of both nations rendezvous in the Ches- 
apeake, and take Lord Cornwallis and his aimy prisoners of war. 
Washington returns to the vicinity of New York, and urges the neces- 
sity of preparing for a new campaign. 

1781, 

The year 1780 ended in the northern states with disap- 
pointment, and the year 1781 commenced with mutiny. 
In the night of the first of January about 1,300 of the 
Pennsylvania line paraded under arms in their encampment, 
near Morristown, avowing a determination to march to the 
seat of Congress, and obtain a redress of their grievances, 
without which they would serve no longer. The exertions 
of Gen. Wayne and the other officers to quell the mutiny, 
were in vain. The whole body marched off with six field- 
pieces towards Princeton. They stated their demands in 
writing ; which were, a discharge to all who had served 
three years, and immediate payment of all that was due to 
them, and that future pay should be made in real money to 
all who remained in the service. Their officers, a com- 
mittee of Congress, and a deputation from the executive 
council of Pennsylvania, endeavoured to effect an accom- 
modation ; but the mutineers resolutely refused all terms, of 
which a redress of their grievances was not the foundation. 

^topped a few moments, and pressing my hand, said, ' We may be beaten 
by the English— it is the chance of war; but behold an army which they 
can never conquer.' " 



i&EofeGE Washington. 12l 

To their demands as founded in justice, the civil authority 
of Pennsylvania substantially yielded. Intelligence of this 
mutiny was communicated to Gen. Washington at New 
Windsor, before any accommodation had taken place. 
Though he had been long accustomed to decide in hazardous 
■and difficult situations, yet it was no easy matter in this 
delicate crisis, to determine on the most proper course to be 
^pursued. His personal influence had several times extin- 
vguished rising nautinies. The first scheme that presented 
itself was, to repair to the camp of the mutineers, and try 
to recall them to a sense of their duty ; but on mature reflec- 
tion this was declined. He well knew that their claims were 
founded in justice, but he could not reconcile himself to 
wound the discipline of his army, by yielding to their de- 
mands while they were in open revolt with arms in their 
hands. He viewed the subject in all its relations, and was 
well apprised that the principal grounds of discontent were 
not peculiar to the Pennsylvania line, but common to all his 
troops. 

If force Avas requisite, he had none to spare without 
hazarding West Point. If concessions were unavoidable, 
they had bettier be made by any person than the comman- 
der in chief After that due deliberation which he always 
gave to matters of importance, he determined against a 
personal interference, and to leave the whole to the civil 
authorities, which had already taken it up ^ but at the same 
time prepared for those measures which would become ne- 
cessary, if no accommodation took place. This resolution 
was communicated to Gen. Wayne, with a caution to regard 
the situation of the other lines of the army in any conces- 
sions which might be made, and with a recommendation to 
draw the mutineers over the Delaware, with a view to in- 
crease the difficulty of communicating with the enemy in 
New York. 

The dangerous policy of yielding even to the just demands 
of soldiers with arms in their hands, soon became apparent-. 
The success of the Pennsylvania line induced a part of 
that of New Jersey to hope for similar advantages, frora 
similar conduct. A part of the Jersey brigade rose in arms, 
and making the same claims which had been yielded to 
the Pennsylvanians, marched to Chatham. Washington, 
*who Yi'as far from being pleased with the issue of the mutiny 

11* 



122 THE LIFE OF 

in the Pennsylvania line, determined by strong meastfres 
to stop the progress of a spirit which was hostile to all his 
hopes. Gen. Howe, with a detachment of the eastern troops, 
was immediately ordered to march against the mutineers, 
and instructed to make no terms with them while they were 
in a state of resistance ; and on their surrender to seize a 
few of the most active leaders, and to execute them immedi. 
ately in the presence of their associates. These orders were 
obeyed : two of the ringleaders were shot, and the survivors 
returned to their duty. 

Though Washington adopted these decisive measures^ 
yet no man was more sensible of the merits and sufferings 
of his army, and none more active and zealous in procuring 
them justice. He improved the late events, by writing cir- 
cular letters to the states, urging them to prevent all future 
causes of discontent by fulfilling their engagements with 
their respective lines. Some good effects were producedy 
but only temporary, and far short of the well founded claims 
of the army. Their wants with respect to provisions 
were only partially supplied, and by expedients, from one 
short time to another. The most usual was ordering an 
officer to seize on provisions wherever found. This differed 
from robbing only in its being done by authority for the 
publick service, and in the officer being always directed to 
give the proprietor a certificate of the quantity and quality 
of what was taken from him. At first, some reliance was 
placed on these certificates, as vouchers to support a future 
demand on the United States ; but they soon became so 
common as to be of little value. Recourse was so frequently 
had to coercion, both legislative and military, that the 
people not only lost confidence in publick credit, but became 
impatient under all exertions of authority for forcing their 
property from them. About this time Gen. Washington 
was obliged to apply 9,000 dollars sent by the state of 
Massachusetts, for the payment; of her troops, to the use of 
the quartermaster's department, to enable him to transport 
provisions from the adjacent states. Before he consented 
to adopt this expedient, he had consumed every ounce of 
provision which had been kept as a reserve in the garrison 
of West Point, and had strained impress by military force 
to so great an extent, that there was reason to apprehend 
the inhabitants, irritated by such frequent calls, would pro<^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 123 

ceed to dangerous insurrections. Fort Schuyler, West 
Point, and the posts up the North River, were on the point 
of being abandoned by their starving garrisons. At this 
period there was Httle or no circulating medium, either in 
the form of paper or specie, and in the neighbourhood of 
the American arm^v, there was a real want of necessary 
provisions. The deficiency of the former occasioned many 
inconveniences, but the insufficiency of the latter had well 
nigh dissolved the army, and laid the country in every di» 
rection open to British excursions. 

On the first of May, 1781, Gen. Washington commenced 
a military journal. The following statement is extracted 
from it. "I begin at this epoch a concise journal of 
military transactions, &c. I lament not having attempted 
it from the commencement of the war, in aid of my memory : 
and wish the multiplicity of matter which continually sur- 
rounds me, and the embarrassed state of our afi^iirs, which 
is momentarily calling the attention to perplexities of one 
kind or another, may nat defeat altogether, or so interrupt 
my present intention and plan, as to render it of little avail. 

" To have the clearer understanding of the entries which 
may follow, it would be proper to recite in detail our wants 
and our prospects j but this alone would be a work of much 
time and great magnitude. It may suffice to give the sura 
of them, which I shall do in few words : viz^ 

" Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we 
have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the dis- 
tant states." 

"Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with milita=^ 
ry stores, they are poorly provided, and the workmen all 
leaving them. Instead of having the various articles of 
field equipage in readiness, the Quartermaster-general is 
but now applying to the several states to provide these things 
for their troops respectively. Instead of having a regular 
system of transportation established upon credit, or funds 
in the Quartermaster's hands to defray the contingent ex- 
penses thereof, we have neither the one nor the other ; and 
all that business^ or a great part of it^ being done by impress- 
ment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring 
their tempers^ and alienating their aflTections, Instead of 
having the regiments completed agreeable to the requisitions 
of Congress, scarce any state in the Union has at this hour 
Qne eighth part of its quota in the field, and there is little- 



124 tKE Lii^-'E 6p 

prospect of ever getting more than half. In a word, instead 
of having any thing in readiness to take the field, we have 
nothing : and, instead of having the prospect of a glorious 
offensive campaign before us, we have a bewildered and 
gloomy prospect of a defensive one ; unless we should receive 
a powerful aid of ships, troops, and money, from our generous 
allies, and these at present are too contingent to build upon." 
While the Americans were suffering the complicated 
calamities which introduced the year 1781, their adversaries 
were carrying on the most extensive plan of operations 
against them which had ever been attempted. It had often 
been objected to the British commanders, that they had not 
conducted the war in the manner most likely to effect the 
subjugation of the i-evolted provinces. Mihtary criticks 
found fault with them for keeping a large army idle at 
New York, which they said, if^ properly applied, would have 
been sufficient to make successful impressions at one and the 
same time, on several of the states. The British seem to 
have calculated the campaign of 1781, with a view to make" 
an experiment of the comparative merit of this mode of 
Conducting military operations. The war raged in that 
year not only in the vicinity of the British head quarters 
at New York, but in Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro» 
lina, and in Virginia. 

In this extensive warfare, Washington could have no im- 
mediate agency in the southern department. His advice in 
corresponding with the officers commanding in Virginia^ 
the Carolinas, and Georgia, was freely and beneficially 
given ; and as large detachments sent to their aid as could 
be spared consistently with the security of West Pointi 
In conducting the war, his invariable maxim was, to suffer 
the devastation of property, rather than hazard great and 
essential objects for its preservation^ While the war raged 
in Virginia, the Governour thereof, its representatives iri 
Congress and other influential citizens, urged his return to 
the defence of his native state.* But, considering America 

* General La Payette was detached with 1200 men, to the held of the 
Chesapeake, to co-operate with a French sixty-four and two frigates, 
which had been sent from the Squadron at Newport, to check the opera- 
tions of Arnold, then laying waste Virginia. This object failed; but La 
Fayette, under new orders from Gen, Washington, repaired to Virginia, 
■and had the principal direction of the defence of that state until the ar- 
Tival of the United French and American armies. The troops with which 
iie undertook this expedition, were about 2800 in number, almost in a 



GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 125 

as his country, and the general safety as his object, he 
deemed it of more importance to remain on the Hudson : 
there he was not only securing the most important post in 
the United States, but concerting a grand plan of com- 
bined operations, which, as shall soon be related, not only 
delivered Virginia, but all the states from the calamities 
of the war. 

In Washington's disregard of property when in compe- 
tition with national objects, he was in no respect partial to 
his own. While the British were in the Potomack, they 
sent a flag on shore to Mount Vernon, (his private estate.) 
requiring a supply of fresh provisions. Refusals of such 
demands were often followed by burning the houses and 
other property near the river. To prevent this catastrophe, 
the person entrusted with the management of the estate, 
went on board with the flag, and carrying a supply of pro- 
visions, requested that the buildings and improvements might 
be spared. For this he received a severe reprimand in a 
letter to him, in which the General observed — " That it 
would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have 
heard, that in consequence of your noncompliance with 
the request of the British, they had burnt my house, and 
laid my plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered 
yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on 
the bad example of communicating with the enemy, and ma- 
king a voluntary ofl^er of refreshment to them, with a view 
to prevent a conflagration." 

To the other difficulties with which Washington had to 
contend in the preceding years of the war, a new one was 
about this time added. While the whole force at his dispo- 
sal was unequal to the defence of the country against the 
common enemy, a civil war was on the point of breaking 
out among his fellow citizens. The claims of the in- 
habitants of Vermont to be a separate independent state, 
and of the state of New York, to their country, as within 

state of mutiny, and frequent desertions took place, from an aversion to 
the service. The yoima General, however, appealed in general orders, to 
their generous and pairi'otick principles, and offered permission to depart, 
to any one who refused to accompany him. This had the effect to stop 
desertion, and the soldiers marched forward with enthusiasm. But the 
consummate valour, prudence, and skill, manifested by La Fayette during 
this campaign, are rather subjects for his own biography than for thess^ 
pages. 



126 THE LIFE OF 

its chartered limits, together with open offers from the Roys 
al Commanders to estabhsli and defend them as a British 
province, produced a serious crisis, which called for the 
interference of the American chief. This was the more 
necessary, as the governments of New York and of Ver- 
mont were both resolved on exercising a jurisdiction over 
.the same people and the same territory. Congress wishing 
to compromise the controversy on middle ground, resolved, 
in August, 1781, to accede to the independence of Vermont 
on certain conditions, and within certain specified limits, 
which they supposed would satisfy both parties. Contrary 
to their expectations, this mediatorial act of the national 
legislature was rejected by Vermont, and yet was so disa- 
greeable to the legislature of New York as to draw from 
them a spirited protest against it. Vermont complained 
that Congress interfered in their internal police ; New York 
viewed the resolve as a virtual dismemberment of their 
state, which was a constituent part of the confederacy. 
Washington anxious for the peace of the Union, sent a 
message to Chittenden, Governour of Vermont, desiring to 
know " what were the real designs, views, and intentions, of 
the people of Vermont ; whether they would be satisfied 
with the independence proposed by Congress, or had it seri- 
ously in contemplation to join with the enemy, and become 
a British province." The Governour returned an unequiv- 
ocal answer — " that there were no people on the continent 
more attached to the cause of America than the people of 
Vermont ; but they were fully determined not to be put 
under the government of New York ; that they would op. 
pose this by force of arms, and would join with the British 
in Canada rather than submit to that government." While 
both states were dissatisfied with Congress, and their ani- 
mosities, from increasing violence and irritation, became 
daily more alarming, Washington, aware of the extremes 
to which all parties were tending, returned an answer to 
Gov. Chittenden, in which were these expressions. " It is 
not my business, neither do I think it necessary now to dis- 
cuss the origin of the right of a number of inhabitants to 
that tract of country formerly distinguished by the name 
of the New Hampshire grants, and now known by that of 
Vermont. I will take it for granted that their right was 
good, because Congress by their resolve of the 7th August, 



GEORGE WASKINGTO??. 127 

imply it, and by that of the 21st are willing fully to con- 
firm it, provided the new state is confined to certain de- 
scribed bounds. It appears therefore to me, that the dispute 
of boundary is the only one that exists ; and that being re- 
moved, all other difficulties would be removed also, and the 
matter terminated to the satisfaction of all parties. You 
have nothing to do but withdraw your jurisdiction to the 
confines of your old limits, and obtain an acknowledgement 
of independence and sovereignty, under the resolve of the 
21st of August, for so much territory as does not interfere 
with the ancient established bounds of New York, New- 
Hampshire, and Massachusetts. In my private opinion, 
while it behooves the delegates to do ample justice to a body 
of people sufficiently respectable by their numbers, and en- 
titled by other claims to be admitted into that confederation, 
it becomes them also to attend to the interests of their con- 
stituents, and see that under the appearance of justice to 
one, they do not materially injure the rights of others. I 
am apt to think this is the prevailing opinion of Congress." 

The impartiality, moderation, and good sense, of this 
letter, together with a full conviction of the disinterested 
patriotism of the writer, brought round a revolution in the 
minds of the legislature of Vermont ; and they accepted 
the propositions of Congress, though they had rejected them 
four months before. A truce among the contending parties 
followed, and the storm blew over. Thus the personal influ- 
ence of one man, derived from his pre-eminent virtues and 
meritorious services, extinguished the sparks of civil dis- 
cord at the time they were kindling into a flame.* 

Though in conducting the American war. Gen. Wash- 
ington often acted on the Fabian system, by evacuating, 
retreating, and avoiding decisive engagements ; yet this 
was much more the result of necessity than of choice. His 
uniform opinion was in favour of energetick offensive ope- 
rations, as the most effectual means of bringing the war to 
a termination. On this principle he planned attacks in 
almost every year on some or other of the British armies or 

* For more particulars, see William's History of Vermont; a work 
which, for its superiour merit, deserves a place in every Library. If the 
Author had been an European, this would probably have been the case 
soon after his enlightened philosophical History had crossed the Atlantic, 
and made its appearance in the United States. 



128 THE LIFE OP 

strong posts in the United States. He endeavoured, from 
year to year, to stimulate the publick mind to some great 
operation ; but was never properly supported. In the years 
1778, '79, and '80, the projected combined operations with 
the French, as h.as been related, entirely miscarried. The 
idea of ending tlie war by some decisive military exploit, 
continually occupied his active mind. To ensure success, 
a naval superiority on the coast, and a loan of money, were 
indispensably necessary. The last was particularly so in 
the year 1781 ; for the resources of the United States were 
then so reduced, as to be unequal to the support of their 
army, or even to the transportation of it (o any distant scene 
of action. To obtain these necessary aids, it was determined 
to send an envoy extraordinary to the court of Versailles. 
Lieut. Col. John Laurens was selected for this purpose. He 
was in every respect qualified for the important mission. 
In addition to the most engaging personal address, his con. 
nexion with the commander in chief, as one of his aids, 
gave him an opportunity of being intimately acquainted 
with the military capacities and weaknesses of his country. 
These were also particularly detailed in the form of a letter 
to him from Gen. Washington. This was written when 
the Pennsylvania line was in open revolt. Among other 
interesting matters it stated — "That the efforts already 
made by the United States exceeded the natural ability of 
the country ; and that any revenue they were capable of 
making would leave a large surplus to be supplied by credit ; 
that experience had proved the impossibility of supporting 
a paper system without funds, and that domestick loans 
could not be effected, because there were few men of moneyed 
capital in the United States ; that from necessity recourse 
had been had to military impressments for supporting the 
army, which, if continued longer, or urged farther, would 
probaply disgust the people, and bring round a revolution of 
publick sentiment. 

" That the relief procured by these violent means was so 
inadequate, that the patience of the army was exhausted, 
and their discontents had broke out in serious and alarming 
mutinies ; that the relief necessary was not within the pow- 
er of the United States; and that from a view of all cir- 
cumstances, a loan of money was absolutely necessary for 
reviving publick credit, and giving vigour to future opera* 



ftEORGE WASHINGTON. 129 

tions.'' It was farther stated — "that next to a loan of 
money, a French naval superiority in the American seas 
was of so much consequence, that without it nothing de- 
cisive could be undertaken against the British, who were in 
the greatest force on and near the coasts." 

The future capacities of the United States to repay any 
loan that might be made, were particularly stated ; and that 
*' there v*'as still a fund of resource and inclination in the 
country equal to great exertions, provided a liberal supply 
of money would furnish the means of stopping the progress 
of disgust which resulted from the unpopular mode of supply, 
ing the army by requisition and impressment." 

Such interesting statements, sanctioned by the American 
chief, and enforced by the address of Col. Laurens, directly 
from the scene of action, and the influence of Dr. Franklin,, 
who, for the five preceding years, had been minister pleni- 
potentiary from the United States to the court of Versailles, 
produced the desired effect. His Most Christian Majesty 
gave his American allies a subsidy of six millions of livres, 
and became their security for ten millions more, borrowed for 
their use in the United Netherlands. A naval co-operation 
was promised, and a conjunct expedition against their com- 
mon foes projected. 

The American war was now so far involved in the conse- 
quences of naval operations, that a superiour French fleet 
seemed to be the hinge on which it was likely soon to take 
a favourable turn. The British army being parcelled in the 
different seaports of the United States, any division of it, 
blocked up by a French fleet, could not long resist the 
superiour combined force which might be brought to operate 
against it. The Marquis de Castries, who directed the 
marine of France with great precision, calculated the naval 
force which the British could concentre on the coast of the 
United States, and disposed his own in such a manner as 
ensured him a superiority. In conformity to these princi- 
ples, and in subserviency to the design of the campaign, M. 
de Grasse sailed in march, 1781, from Brest, with twenty- 
five sail of the line, several thousand land forces, and a large 
convoy amounting to more than two hundred ships. A 
small part of this force was destined for the East Indias ; 
but M. de Grasse with the greater part sailed for Martinique4 

The British fleet then in the West Indies had been previ- 
12 



130 THE LIFE OF 

ously weakened by the departure of a squadron for the prcr* 
tection of the ships which were employed in carrying to 
England the booty which had been taken at St. Eustatius, 
The British Admirals Hood and Drake were detached to 
intercept the outward bound French fleet, commanded py 
M. de Grasse; but a junction between his force and eight 
ships of the line, and one of 50 guns, which were previously 
at Martinique and St. Domingo, was nevertheless effected. 
By this combination of fresh ships from Europe, with the 
French fleet previously in the West Indies, they had a deci- 
ded superiority. M. de Grasse having finished his business 
in the West Indies, sailed in the beginning of August with 
a prodigious convoy. After seeing this out of danger, he 
directed his course for the Chesapeake, and arrived there on 
the thirtieth of the same month. Five days before his arri- 
val in the Chesapeake, the French fleet in Rhode Island sail- 
ed for the same place. These fleets, notwithstanding their 
original distance from the scene of action, and from each 
other, coincided in their operations in an extraordinary 
manner, far beyond the reach of military calculation. They 
all tended to one object, and at one and the same time ; and 
that object was neither known nor suspected by the British, 
till the proper season for counteraction was elapsed. 

This coincidence of favourable circumstances extended 
to the marches of the American and French land forces. 
The plan of operations had been so well digested, and was 
so faithfully executed by the different commanders, that 
Gen. Washington and Count Rochambeau had passed the 
British head quarters in New York, and were considerably 
advanced in their way to Yorktown, before Count de Grasse 
had reached the American coast. This was effected in the 
following manner : Mons. de Barras, appointed to the com- 
mand of the French squadron at Newport, arrived at Bos- 
ton with despatches for Count de Rochambeau. An inter- 
view soon after took place at Weathersfield, between Gen- 
erals Washington, Knox, and Du Portail, on the part of the 
Americans, and Count de Rochambeau and the Chevalier 
Chastellux, on the part of the French. At this interview 
an eventual plan of the whole campaign was fixed. This 
was to lay siege to New York, in concert with a French 
fleet, which was to arrive on the coast in the month of 
August. It was agreed that the French troops should march 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131 

towards the North river. Letters were addressed by Gen. 
Washington to the executive officers of New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Jersey, requiring 
them to fill up their battalions, and to have their quotas 
of 6,200 militia in readiness within a week of the time they 
might be called for. Conformably to these outlines of the 
campaign, the French troops marched from Rhode Island 
in June, and early in the following month joined the Amer- 
ican army. At the same time Washington marched his 
army from their winter encampment near Peekskill to the 
vicinity of Kingsbridge. Gen. Lincoln fell down the North 
river with a detachment in boats, and took possession of the 
ground where Fort Independence formerly stood. An attack 
was made upon him, but was soon discontinued. The British 
about this time retired with almost the whole of their force to 
York Island, Washington hoped to be able to commence 
operations against New York about the middle, or at far- 
thest the latter end of July. Flat bottomed boats sufficient 
to transport 5,000 men were built near Albany, and brought 
down the North river to the neighbourhood of the American 
army before New York. Ovens were erected opposite to 
Staten Island for the use of the French troops. Every 
movement introductory to the commencement of the siege 
was made. To the great mortification of Washington, he 
found himself on the second of August, to be only a few 
hundreds stronger than he was on the day his army first 
moved from their winter quarters. To have fixed on a plan 
of operations with a foreign officer at the head of a respect- 
able force ; to have brought that force from a considerable 
distance in confident expectation of reinforcements suffi- 
ciently large to commence effective operations against the 
common enemy ; and at the same time to have engagements 
in behalf of the states violated in direct opposition to their 
own interest, and in a manner derogatory to his personal 
honour, was enough to have excited storms and tempests in 
any mind less calm than that of General Washington. 
He bore this hard trial with his usual magnanimity, and 
contented himself with repeating his requisitions to the 
states ; and at the same time urged them by every tie to 
enable him to fulfil engagements entered into on their 
account with the commander of the French troops. 

That tardiness which at other times had brought the 



132 THE LIFE Ot 

Americans near the brink of ruin, was now the accidental 
cause of real service. Had they sent forward their recruits 
for the regular army, and their quotas of militia, as was 
expected, the siege of New York would have commenced 
in the latter end of July, or early in August. While the 
season was wasting away in expectation of these reinforce- 
ments. Lord Cornwallis, as has been mentioned, fixed him- 
self near the Capes of Virginia. His situation there ; the 
arrival of a reinforcement of 3,000 Germans from Europe 
to New York ; the superiour strength of their garrison ; the 
failure of the states in filling up their battalions and embo- 
dying their militia ; and especially recent intelligence from 
Count de Grasse, that his destination was fixed to the Ches. 
apeake, concurred about the middle of August to make a 
total change of the plan of the campaign. 

The appearance of an intention to attack New York was, 
nevertheless, kept up. While this deception was played off, 
the allied army crossed the North river, and passed on by 
the way of Philadelphia through the intermediate country 
to Yorktown. An attempt to reduce the British force in 
Virginia promised success with more expedition, and to 
secure an object of nearly equal importance as the reduction 
of New York. 

While the attack of New York was in serious contem- 
plation, a letter from Gen. Washington, detailing the par- 
ticulars of the intended operations of the campaign, being 
intercepted, fell into the hands of Sir Henry Clinton.* 
After the plan was changed, the royal commander was so 
much under the impression of the intelligence contained in 
the intercepted letter, that he believed every movement 
towards Virginia to be a feint calculated to draw off his 
attention from the defence of New York. Under the influ- 
ence of this opinion, he bent his whole force to strengthen 
that post ; and suffered the American and French armies 
to pass him without molestation. When the best opportu- 
nity of striking at them was elapsed, then for the first time 

♦This letter was directed to Gen, La Fayette in Virginia. At the 
same time Gen. La Fayette wrote to Washington, urging upon him, that 
a favourable time had arrived for a combined operation against Lord Corn- 
walUs — This letter, and that of Gen. Washington in reply, concurring in 
these views, escaped the vigilance of the tory spy ; so that James Moody 
(says La Fayette,) rendered an ill service to those who employed him by 
seizing the letter bag in the Jerseys." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133 

he was brought to believe, that the allies had fixed on Vir- 
ginia for the theatre of their combined operations. As truth 
may be made to answer the purposes of deception, so no 
feint of attacking New York could have been more success- 
ful than the real intention. 

In the latter end of August, the American army began 
their march to Virginia from the neighbourhood of New 
York. Washington had advanced as far as Chester, before 
he received the news of the arrival of the fleet commanded 
by M. de Grasse. The French troops marched at the same 
time, and for the same place. Gen. Washington and Count 
Rochambeau, with Generals Chastellux, Du Portail, and 
Knox, proceeded to visit Count de Grasse on board his ship, 
the Ville de Paris, and agreed on a plan of operations. 

The Count afterwards wrote to Washington, that in case 
a British fleet appeared, " he conceived that he ought to go 
out and meet them at sea, instead of risking an engagement 
in a confined situation." This alarmed the General. He 
sent the Marquis de La Fayette with a letter to dissuade 
him from the dangerous measure. This letter, and the per- 
suasions of the Marquis, had the desired effect. 

The combined forces proceeded on their way to York- 
town, partly by land, and partly down the Chesapeake. The 
whole together, with a body of Virginia militia, under the 
command of Gen. Nelson, rendezvoused at Williamsburg, 
on the 25th of September, and in five days after moved 
down to the investment of Yorktown. The French fleet 
at the same time moved to the mouth of York river, and 
took a position which was calculated to prevent lord Corn- 
wallis either from retreating, or receiving succour by water. 
Previously to the march from Williamsburg to Yorktown, 
Washington gave out in general orders as follows ; — " If 
the enemy should be tempted to meet the army on its march, 
the General particularly enjoins the troops to place their 
principal reliance on the bayonet, that the)' may prove the 
vanity of the boast, which the British make of their parti- 
cular prowess, in deciding battles with that weapon." 

The works erected for the security of Yorktown on the 
right, were redoubts and batteries, with a line of stockade 
in the rear. A marshy ravine lay in front of the right, 
•over which was placed a large redoubt. The morass extend- 
-ed along the centre, which was defended by a line of stock- 
12* 



134 THE LIFE OF 

ade, and by batteries. On the left of the centre" was a 
hornwork with a ditch, a row of freize, and an abbatis. 
Two redoubts were advanced before the left. The combined 
forces advanced, and took possession of the ground from 
which the British had retired. About this time the legion 
cavalry and mounted infantry passed over the river to 
Gloucester. Gen. de Choisy invested the British post^on 
that side so fully, as to cut oti' all communication between 
it and the country. In the mean time, the royal army was 
straining every nerve to strengthen their works, and their 
artillery was constantly employed in impeding the opera- 
tions of the combined army. On the ninth and tenth of 
October, the Americans and French opened their batteries. 
They kept up a brisk and well directed fire from heavy can- 
non, from mortars, and howitzers. The shells of the be- 
siegers reached the ships in the harbour ; the Charon of 44 
guns, and a transport ship, were burned. The besiegers 
commenced their second parallel two hundred yards from 
the works of the besieged. Two redoubts which were ad- 
vanced on the left of the British, greatly impeded the pro- 
gress of the combined armies. It was therefore proposed 
to carry them by storm. To excite a spirit of emulation, 
the reduction of the one was committed to the French, ot' 
the other to the Americans.* The assailants marched to 
the assault with unloaded arms ; having passed the abbatis 
and palisades, they attacked on all sides, and carried the 
redoubt in a few minutes, with the loss of eight men killed, 
and twenty-eight wounded. 

The French were equally successful on their part. They 
carried the redoubt assigned to them with rapidity, but lost 
a considerable number of men. These two redoubts were 
included in the second parallel, and faciliated the subsequent 
operations of the besiegers. f 

*The Marquis de La Fayette commanded the American detachment, 
and the Baron de Viominel the French.— The Baron, before the attack, 
had indulged in some playful boastin2:s, as to the superiority of the French 
in such cases. After the Americans had taken their redoubt, at the point 
of the bayonet, the fire of the French still continuing, La Fayette sent an 
aid-de-camp to the Baron, to inquire, whether he did not need some help' 
from the Americans. 

+ " During the assault, the British kept up an incessant firing of"" 
cannon and musketry fiom their whole line. His Excellency General 
Washington, Generals Lincoln and Knox, with their aids, having dis- 
mounted, were standing in an exposed situation, waiting the result. CoL 



GEORGE ViASnUiGlOfi, IZd 

By this time the batteries of the besiegers were covered 
with nearly a hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and the 
works of the besieged were so damaged that they could 
scarcely show a single gun. Lord Cornwallis had now no 
hope left, but from offering terms of capitulation, or attempt- 
ing an escape. He determined on the latter. This, though 
less practicable than when first proposed, was not altogether 
hopeless. Boats were prepared to receive the troops in the 
night, and to transport them to Gloucester point. After 
one whole embarkation had crossed, a violent storm of wind 
and rain dispersed the boats, and frustrated the whole scheme. 
The royal army, thus weakened by division, was exposed 
to increased danger. Orders were sent to those who had 
passed, to recross the river to Yorktovvn. With the failure 
of this scheme, the last hope of the British army expired. 
Longer resistance could answer no good purpose, and might 
occasion the loss of many valuable lives. Lord Cornwalli? 
therefore wrote a letter to Gen. Washington, requesting z 
cessation of arms for twenty. four hours ; and that commis- 
sioners might be appointed to digest terms of capitulation. 
This was agreed to, and in consequence thereof, the postsr 
of York and Gloucester were surrendered on certain stipula- 
tions ; the principal of which were as follows :— •• The 
troops to be prisoners of war to Congress, and the natal 
force to France : — The officers to retain their side arms 
and private property of every kind, but every thing obvious, 
ly belonging to the inhabitants of the United States, to be 
subject to be reclaimed: — The soldiers to be kept in Virgi- 
nia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, and to be supplied with 
the same rations as are allowed to soldiers in the service of 
Congress : — A proportion of the officers to march into ttie 
country with the prisoners, the rest to be allowed to proceed 
on parole to Europe, to New York, or to any other Ameri- 
can maritime post in possession of the British." The hon- 

Cobb, one of General Washington's aids, solid tons for bis safetfj said 
to his Excellency, ' Sir, you are too raucti exposed here, had you not 
better step a little back 7' ' Colonel Cobb,' rephed his Excellency, *i£ 
you are afraid, you have liberty to step back," — Tkatchtr. 

On a previous' day, ''While the Rev. ilr. Evans, our chaplain, was 
standing near the commander in chie£ a shot struck the ground go near 
as to cover his hat with sand ; bemg miich agitated, he took off his hat 
and said, 'See here. General 1' 'Mr. Evans,' replied his Excellency, 
with his usual composure, ' you had better carry that home and show \i 
to your nife and coildr^.' "—Id. 



136 THE LIFE OP 

our of marching out with colours flying, which had been 
refused to Gen. Lincoln on his giving up Charleston, was 
now refused to Earl Cornwallis ; and Gen. Lincoln was ap- 
pointed to receive the submission of the royal army at York- 
town, precisely in the same way his own had been conduc- 
ted about eighteen months before.* 

The regular troops of America and France, employed in 
his siege, consisted of about 5,500 of the former, and 7,000 
of the latter, and they were assisted by about 4,000 militia. 
On the part of the combined army, about three hundred 
were killed or wounded. On the part of the British about 
five hundred, and seventy were taken in the redoubts, which 
were carried by assault on the 14th of October. The troops 
of every kind that surrendered prisoners of war, exceeded 
7,000 men ; but so great was the number of sick and wound- 
ed, that there were only 3,800 capable of bearing arms. 

Congress honoured Gen. Washington, Count de Rocham. 
beau, Count de Grasse, and the officers of the different corps, 
and the men under them, with thanks for their services in 
the reduction of Lord Cornwallis. The whole project was 
conceived with profound wisdom, and the incidents of it had 
been combined with singular propriety. It is not therefore 
wonderful, that from the remarkable coincidence in all its 
parts, it was crowned with unvaried success. 

General Washington, on the day after the surrender, 
ordered " that those who were under arrest, should be par- 
doned and set at liberty." His orders closed as follows — 
"Divine service shall be performed to-morrow in the differ- 
ent brigades and divisions. The commander in chief re- 
commends that all the troops that are not upon duty, do 
assist at it with a serious deportment; and that sensibility 
of heart which the recollection of the surprising and particu- 
lar interposition of providence in our favour claims." The 
interesting event of captivating a second royal army, pro- 

* Lord Cornwallis was, or pretended to be, ill, and did not march out 
with the garrison. His place, at its head, was supplied by General 
O'Hara. " The garrison (says Count Dumas,) defiled between the two 
lines, beyond which, I caused them to form in order of battle, and pile 
their arms. The EngUsh officers manifested the most bitter mortification, 
and I remember that Colonel Abercrombie, of the Enghsh guards, (the 
same who afterwards perished in Egypt, in the field of battle, where he 
^ad just triumphed,) at the moment when his troops laid down their arms^ 
Withdrew rapidly, covering his face and biting his sword." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 137 

duced strong emotions, which broke out in all the variety 
of wavs in which the most rapturous joy usually displays 
itself. " 

After the capture of Lord Cornwallis, Washington, with 
the greatest part of his army, returned to the vicinity of 
New York,* In the preceding six years he had been accus- 
tomed to look forward and to provide for all possible events* 
In the habit of struggling with difficulties, his courage at 
all times grew with the dangers which surrounded him. 
In the most disastrous situations he was far removed from 
despair. On the other hand, those fortunate events which 
induced many to believe that the revolution was accom- 
plished, never operated on him so far as to relax his exertions 
or precautions. Though complete success had been obtained 

* On the retiring of the combined armies from Yorktov/n, Gen. Wash- 
ington embraced the opportunity of visiting his mother, who resided near 
Fredericksburg. This interesting interview, the first which had occurred 
between the mother and son during the war hi which he had acquired 
such an honoured name, is thus related by Mr. Custis in the biographical 
sketch to which we have referred in the note on page 20 : 

" No pageantry of war proclaimed his coming, no trumpets sounded, no 
banners waved. Alone and on foot, the marshal of France, the general 
in chief of the combined armies of France and America, the deUverer of 
his country, the hero of the age, repaired to pay his humble duty to her 
whom he venerated as the author of his being, the founder of his fortune 
and his fame. For full well he knew that the matron would not be 
moved by all the pride that glory ever gave, nor by all the 'pomp and 
circumstance' of power. 

" The lady was alone, her aged hands employed in the works of domes- 
tick industry, when the good news was announced, and it was further told 
that the victor chief was in waiting at the threshold. She welcomed him 
with a warm embrace, and by the well remembered and endearing name 
of his childhood ; inquiring as to his health, she remarked the lines which 
mighty cares and many trials had made on his manly countenance, 
spoke much of old times and old friends, but of his glory — not one wordf^ 

On the same occasion, Washington attended a ball, given by the citi- 
zens of Fredericksburg in compUment to him, and the officers of the 
French and American armies who had achieved the important victory of 
Yorktown ; and with characteristick goodness of heart and complaisance 
of manners, joined in the amusements of the evening. 

"It was on this festive occasion that General Washington danced a 
minuet with Mrs. WiUis. It closed his dancing days. The minuet was 
much in vogue at that period, and was pecuharly calculated for the dis- 
play of the splendid figure of the chief, and bis natural grace and elegance 
of air and manner. The gallant Frenchmen who were present, of which 
fine people it may be said, that dancing forms one of the elements of 
their existence, so much admired the American performance, as to admit 
that a Parisian education could not have improved it. As the evening 
advanced, the commander in chief, yielding to the gayety of the scene, 
went down some dozen couple, in the contra-dance, with great spirit and 
satisfaction." 



138 THE LIFE OP 

by the allied arms in Virginia, and great advantages had 
been gained in 1781 in the Carolinas, yet Washington urged 
the necessity of being prepared for another campaign.* In 
a letter to Gen. Greene he observed, " I shall endeavour to 
stimulate Congress to the best improvement of our late suc- 
cess, by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures 
to be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next 
year. My greatest fear is that, viewing this stroke in a 
point of light which may too much magnify its importance, 
they may think our work too nearly closed, and fall into a 
state of languor and relaxation. To prevent this errour, I 
shall employ every means in my power ; and if unhappily 
we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall 
be mine." 

* Wishing to follow up his success, Gen. Washington, immediately 
after the surrender of Cornwaihs, proposed to the French Admiral 
de Grasse, to join in an expedition against Charleston, then in the posses- 
sion of the British. — But this the Admiral, being under obhgation to return 
to the West Indies, dechned, as well as a proposition to land a body of 
troops, under La Fayette, at Wilmm^ton, North Carolina. A body of 
troops, from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, was therefore put 
under Gen. St. Clair, for the purpose of reinforcing Gen. Greene at the 
South. The troops belonging eastward of Pennsylvania were marched 
to winter quarters on the Hudson. Gen. Washington repaired to Phil- 
adelphia, where he was treated with great distinction, and congratulated 
in an address by the President of the Congress. — On his way, at Eltham, 
he was present at the death of Mr. Custis, the only son of Mrs. Wash- 
ington, whom he had watched over and cherished as his own son. — 
It was an event of deep affliction. " Mr. Custis (says Sparks) was a 
member of the Virginia legislature, and much respected for his publick 
and private character. He died at the age of twenty-eight, leaving four 
infant children, the two youngest of whom, a son and a daughter, were 
adopted by Gen. Washington, and they resided in his family till the end 
of his life." 



GSOEGE WASHINGTON. 139 



CHAP. IX. 

Prospects of peace. Languor of the States. Discontents of the army. 
Gen. Washington prevents the adoption of rash measures. Some new 
levies in Pennsylvania mutiny, and are quelled. Washington recom- 
mends measures for the preservation of independence, peace, liberty, 
and happiness. Dismisses his army. Enters New York. Takes 
leave of his officers. Settles his accounts. Repairs to Annapolis, 
Resigns his commission. Retires to Mount Vemon, and resumes his 
agricultural pursuits. 

4^ 1782—1783. 

The military establishment for 1782, was passed with 
unusual celerity shortly after the surrender of Lord Corn^ 
wallis ; but no exertions of America alone could do more 
than confine the British to the sea coast.* To dislodge them 

* Among the incidents of this period, which add interest to the narra- 
tive, without being of great pubhck importance, was the murder of Cap- 
tain John Huddy. This officer commanded a detachment stationed in a 
block-house, in Monmouth county ; and after bravely defending it against a 
party of refugees from New York, (March 24th, 1782,) was for want of am- 
munition compelled to surrender, and was taken as a prisoner into New 
York. He was closely confined until the 6th of April ; when, without 
the form of a trial, he was carried over to the Jersey shore by a party of 
refugees under the direction of Captain Lippencot, and hung upon a tree. 
This savage deed greatly exasperated the inhabitants of New Jersey, and 
a memorial was addressed to Gen. Washington, urging him to procure 
justice upon the author of it, or to adopt retahatory measures. The Ge- 
neral immediately wrote to Sir Henry Clinton, demanding that Lippen- 
cot should be given up, or punished. Sir H. Chnton avowed his disap- 
proval of the act, and a court martial was convened for the trial of 
Lippencot, which resulted in his acquittal, under the pretext that he had 
acted under the authority and direction of the board of associated loyal- 
ists i In the mean time, General W^ashington had convened a meeting 
of the general officers commanding brigades and regiments, to deliberate 
on the subject. Each one, without consulting with the other, was direct- 
ed to write his opinion, and address the same, sealed up, to the commander 
in chief The result was, a unanimous opinion, that retaliation should 
be resorted to ; that it should be inflicted on an officer of equal rank with 
Capt. Huddy, and thai the victim should be designated by lot. Thirteen 
British captains, then prisoners at Lancaster, Pa., were directed to draw 
from a hat in which were placed twelve blank shps of paper, and one slip 
upon which was written the word unfortunate. This slip, which doomed 
TO ignominious death its unfortunate recipient, was drawn by Capt. Asgill, 
of the British guards, a young gentleman of noble family, but nineteen 
years of age, and an only son. The news of young Asgill' s impending 



140 THE LIFE OF 

from their strong holds in New York and Charleston, occu- 
pied the unceasing attention of Washington. While he was 
concerting plans for farther combined operations with the 
French, and at the same time endeavouring by circular 
letters to rouse his countrymen to spirited measures, intelli- 
gence arrived that sundry motions for discontinuing the 
American war had been debated in the British Parliament, 
and nearly carried. Fearing that this would relax the exer- 
tions of the states, he added in his circular letters to their 
respective Governours — " I have perused these debates with 
great attention and care, with a view, if possible, to pene- 
trate their real design ; and upon the most mature delibera- 
tion I can bestow, I am obliged to declare it as my candid 
opinion, that the measure in all its views, so far as it re- 
fate, reached England while his father was upon his death bed. The soul 
of Lady Asgill was thus doubly agonized, and the sister of young Asgill 
became temporarily delirious. His case soon excited general interest and 
sympathy in Europe. Lady Asgill, after imploruig the exertions of the 
king and queen of Great Britain wrote a most eloquent and affecting let- 
ter to the French Minister, the Count de Vergennes, soliciting the inter- 
ference of the Fi'ench government. The Count de Vergennes immedi- 
ately wrote to Gen. Washington, dated July 27th, enclosing the letter 
from Lady Asgill. " Your Excellency," says the Count, " will not read 
this letter (Lady Asgill's) without being extremely affected. It thus af- 
fected the king and queen, to whom I communicated it. The goodness 
of their majesty's hearts induces them to desire that the inquietudes of 
an unfortunate mother may be calmed, and her tenderness re-assured. 
There is one consideration, sir, which, though not decisive, may have an 
influence on your resolution: Captain AsgiU is doubtless your prisoner, 
but he is among those whom the arms of the king contributed to put into 
your hands at Yorktown. Though this circumstance does not operate as 
a safeguard, it, however, justifies the interest I permit myself to take in 
this affair." Copies of these letters being transmitted to Congress, they 
resolved, Nov. 7th, that the commander in chief be directed to set Capt. 
Asgill at liberty. Gen. Washington had, in a letter dated Oct. 7, express- 
ed nis private opinion to the Secretary of War that Capt. A. ought to be 
liberated, and permitted to return to his friends in England. This order, 
therefore, was highly gratifying to him, and relieved him from an unplea- 
sant responsibihty. He immediately transmitted to Capt. Asgill, a copy 
of the resolution of Congress, with a passport for him to go into New 
York, and also a letter which closes as follows : " T cannot take leave 
of you, sir, without assuring you, that in whatever light my agency in 
this unpleasant affair may be viewed, I was never influenced through the 
whole of it by sanguinary motives, but by what I conceived to be a sense 
of my duty, which loudly called on me to take measures, however disa- 
greeable, to prevent a repetition of those enormities which have been the 
subject of discussion. And that this important end is likely to be an- 
swered without the effusion of the blood of an innocent person, is not a 
greater relief to you than it is, 

Sir, to your moat obedient humble servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. ' 141 

gpects America, is merely delusory, having no serious inten- 
tion to admit our independence upon its true principles; 
but is calculated to produce a change of ministers to quiet 
the minds of their own people, and reconcile them to a con- 
tinuance of the war ; while it is meant to amuse this coun- 
try with a false idea of peace, to draw us from our connexion 
with France, and to lull us into a state of security and 
inactivity ; which taking place, the ministry will be left to 
prosecute the war in other parts of the world with greater 
vigour and effect. Your excellency will permit me on this 
occasion to observe, that even if the nation and parliament 
are really in earnest to obtain peace with America, it will 
undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them with great cau- 
tion and circumspection, and by all means to keep our arms 
firm in our hands ; and instead of rela"xing one iota in oar 
exertions, rather to spring forward with redoubled vigour, 
that We may take the advantage of every favourable oppor- 
tunity, until our wishes are fully obtained. No nation yet 
suffered in treaty by preparing, (even in the moment of ne- 
gotiation,) most vigorously for the field." 

Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir 
Henry Clinton as commander in chief of the British forces 
in America, arrived in New York, and announced in suc- 
cessive communications, the increasing probability of a 
speedy peace, and his disapprobation of farther hostilities, 
which, he observed, " could only tend to multiply the mis- 
eries of individuals, without a possible advantage to either 
nation." The cautious temper of Washington gradually 
yielded to increasing evidence that the British were seriously 
inclined to terminate the war ; but in proportion as this 
opinion prevailed, the exertions of the states relaxed. Not 
more than 80,000 dollars had been received from all of them, 
when the month of August was far advanced. Every expen- 
diture yielded to the subsistence of the army. A sufficiency 
of money could scarcely be obtained for that indispensably 
necessary purpose. To pay the troops was impossible. 

Washington, whose sagacity anticipated events, foresaw 
with concern the probable consequences likely to result 
from the tardiness of the states to comply with the requisi- 
tions of Congress. These had been ample. Eight millions 
of dollars had been called for, to be paid in four equal quar- 
terly instalments, for the service of the year 1782. In a 

13 



142 THE LIFE OF 

confidential letter to the Secretary of War, Washington 
observed — " I cannot help fearing the result of reducing the 
army, where I see such a number of men, goaded by a thou- 
sand stings of reflection on the past, and of anticipation on 
the future, about to be turned into the world, soured by 
penury, an(^ what they call the ingratitude of the publick ; 
involved in debts, without one farthing of money to carry 
them home, after having spent the. flower of their days, and 
many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom 
and independence of their country, and having suflTered 
every thing which human nature is capable of enduring on 
this side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect on these irri- 
table circumstances, I cannot avoid apprehending that a 
train of evils will follow, of a very serious and distressing 
nature. 

" I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so far 
as the real life would justify me in doing, or I would give 
anecdotes of patriotism and distress, which have scarcely 
ever been paralleled, never surpassed, in the history of man- 
kind. But you may rely upon it ; the patience and long 
sufferance of this army are almost exhausted, and there 
never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this instant. 
While in the field, it may be kept from breaking out into 
acts of outrage ; but when we retire into winter quarters, 
(unless the storm be previously dissipated,) I cannot be at 
ease respecting the consequences. It is high time for a 
peace." 

These apprehensions were well founded. To watch the 
discontents of his troops, the American chief continued in 
camp after they had retired into winter quarters, though 
there was no prospect of any military operation which 
might require his presence. Soon after their retirement, 
the officers presented a petition to Congress respecting their 
pay, and deputed a committee of their body to solicit their 
interests while under consideration.* 

Nothing had been decided on the claims of the army, 
when intelligence, (in March, 1783,) arrived, that prelimi- 
nary and eventual articles, of peace between the United 
States and Great Britain had been signed on the 30th of 
the preceding November, in which the independence of the 

* See the Appendix for this Petition. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143 

tJnited States was amply recognized. In the general joy 
excited by this event, the army partook ; but one unpleas- 
ant idea mingled itself with their exultations. They sus- 
pected that as justice had not been done to them while their 
services were indispensable, they would be less likely to ob* 
tain it when they ceased to be necessary. Their tears on 
this account were increased by a letter which about the 
same time was received trom their committee in Philadelphia, 
announcing that the objects which they had solicited from 
Congress had not yet been obtained. Smarting as they 
were under past sufferings, and present wants, their exaspe- 
ration became violent and almost universal. While they 
were brooding over their gloomy prospects, and provoked at 
the apparent neglect with which they had been treated, an 
anonymous paper was circulated, proposing a meeting of 
the General and Field Officers on the next day. The avow- 
ed object of this meeting was to consider the late letter from 
their committee with Congress, and what measures should 
be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they 
seemed to have solicited in vain. On the same day the 
following address was privately circulated : 

"TO THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY. 

" Gentlemen, 

" A fellow-soldier, whose interest and affections bind him strongly to 
you ; whose past sufferings have been as great, and whose future fo~rtune 
may be as desperate as yours — would beg leave to address you. Age 
has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions to advise; but 
though unsupported by both, he flatters himself that the plain language 
of sincerity and experience, will neither be unheard nor unregarded. 
Like many of you, he loved private hfe, and left it with regret. He left 
it, determined to retire from the field vriih the necessity that called him to 
it, and not ^i/Z f/ien ; not till the enemies of his country, the slaves of 
power, and the hirelings of injustice, were compelled to abandon their 
schemes, and acknowledge America as terrible in arms as she had been 
humble in remonstrance. With this object in view, he has long shared 
in your toils, and mingled in your dangers ; he has felt the cold hand of 
poverty without a murmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without 
a sigh. But, too much under the direction of his wishes, and sometimes 
weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, he has, till lately, very lately, 
believed in the justice of his country. He hoped, that as the clouds of 
adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune 
broke in upon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax, 
and that, more than justice, that gratitude would blaze forth upon those 
hands which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage, from 
impending servitude to acknowledged independence. But faith has its 
limits, as well as temper; and there are points beyond which neither can 
be stretched, without sinking into cowardice, or plunging into credulity. 
This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation. Hurried to the very 



144 THE LIFE OF 

vergeof both, another step would ruin you for ever. To be tame aixl 
unprovoked when mjuries press hard upon you. is more than weakness; 
but to look up for kinder usage, without one manly effort of your own, 
would fix your character, and show the world how richly you deserve 
tliose chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let us take a review 
of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thence carry our 
thoughts forward for a moment, into the unexplored field of expedient. 

" After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out 
is at length brought within our reach ! — Yes, my friends, that suffering 
"courage of yours, was aciive once— it has conducted the United States of 
America through a doubtful and a bloody war ! It has placed her in the 
chair of independency, and peace returns again to bless— whom ? A 
country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward 
your services; a country courting your return to private life, with tears of 
gratitude, and smiles of admiration ; longing to divide with you that in- 
dependency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your 
wounds have preserved? Is this the case? or is it rather, a country that 
tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses? 
Have you not, more than once, suggested your wishes, and made known 
your wants to Congress? Wants and wishes which gratitude and pohcy 
should have anticipated, rather than evaded. And have you not lately, 
in the meek language of entreating memorial, begged from their justice, 
what you would no longer expect from their favour? How have you 
been answered? Let the letter which you are called to consider to-mor- 
row, make reply. 

"If this, then, be your treatment, while the swords you wear are ne- 
cessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect from peace, 
when your voice shall sink and your strength dissipate by division ? 

" When these very swords, the instruments and companions of your 
glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of militarjr 
distinction left, but your wants, infirmities, and scars I can you then 
consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and retiring from the 
field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you con- 
sent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable 
remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honour? 
If you can, go — and carry with you the jest of tones, and the scorn of 
whigs — the ridicule, and what is worse, the pity of the world! Go, starve, 
and be forgotten ! But if your spirit should revolt at this ; if you have 
sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to oppose tyranny, under 
whatever garb it may assume ; whether it be the plain coat of republican- 
ism, or the splendid robe of royalty : if you have yet learned to discrimi- 
nate between a people and a cause, between men and principles — awake ! 
— attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. If the present mo- 
ment be lost, every future effort is in vain ; and your threats then will be 
as empty as your entreaties now. I would advise you, therefore, to come 
to some final opinion, upon what you can bear, and what you will suffer. 
If your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry your 
appeal from the justice to the fears of government— change the milk and 
water style of your last memorial; assume a bolder tone -decent, but 
lively — spirited and determined; and suspect the man who would advise 
to more moderation and longer forbearance- Let two or three men, who 
can feel as well as write, be appointed to draw up your last remonstrance; 
for I would no longer give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of me- 
morial. Let it be represented, (in language that will neither dishonour 
you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fears,) what has been pro- 
mised by Congress, and what has been performed ; how long and how 
patiently you have suffered ; how little you have asked, and now much 



feiaORGE WASHINGTON. 145 

of that little has been denied. Tell them that though you were the first, 
and would wish to be che last, to encounter danger; though despair itself 
can never drive you into dishonour, it may drive you from the field ; that 
the wound often irritated, and never healed, may at length become in- 
curable; and that the slightest mark of indignity from Congress now, 
must operate like the grave, and part you for ever; that in any political 
event, the army has its alternative. If peace, that nothing shall separate 
you from your arms but death: if war, that courting the auspices and 
mviting the directions of your illusirious leader, you will retire to some 
unsettled country, smile m your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh 
on.' But let it represent also, that should they comply with the request 
of your late memorial, it would make you more happy, and them more 
respectable : that while the war should continue, you would follow their 
standard into the field — and when it came to an end, you would withdraw 
into the shade of private life, and give the world another subject of won- 
der and applause— aw army victorious over its enemies — victorious over 
itself."* (Anonymous.] 

This artful address found in almost every bosom such con- 
genial sentiments, as prepared the way for its favourable 
reception. It operated like a torch on combustible materi- 
als. The passions of the army quickly caught the flame, 
it was well calculated to excite. Every appearance threat- 
ened that the proposed convention of the officers would pro- 
duce an explosion which might tarnish the reputation of the 
army, disturb the peace of the country, and, under certain 
circumstances, most probably terminate in the subversion 
of the recent liberties of the new formed states. 

Accustomed as Washington had been, to emergencies 
of great delicacy and difficulty, yet none had occurred, 
which called more pressingly than the present, for the 
utmost exertion of all his powers. He knew well that it 
was much easier to avoid intemperate measures than to 
recede from them after they had been adopted. He there- 
fore considered it as a matter of the last importance, to pre- 
vent the meeting of the officers on the succeeding day, as 
proposed in the anonymous summons. The sensibilities of 
the army were too high to admit of this being forbidden by 

* General John Armstrong, who was ^ major in the army, and for 
some time aid-de-camp to Major- General Gates, being for a long time 
suspected as the author of this and other anonymous papers of the same 
import, at length acknowledged the authorship, in an article in the United 
States Magazme, printed in New York, January, 1824. In justification 
he alleged, "That they were written by himself at the sohcitations of his 
friends, as the chosen organ to express the sentiments of the officers of 
the army, and were only an honest and manly, though perhaps an indis-- 
'creet endeavour to support puhlick credit and do justice to a long-sufFenngj 
patieftt, and gallant soldiery." 



146> THE LtFE or 

authority, as a violation of discipline ; but the end was air- 
swered in another way, and without irritation. The com- 
mander in chief, in general orders, noticed the anonymous 
summons, as a disorderly proceeding, not. to be countenan- 
ced ; and the more effectually to divert the officers from, 
paying any attention to it, he requested them to meet for 
the same nominal purpose, but on a day four days subse- 
quent to the one proposed by the anonymous addresser. 
The intervening period was improved in preparing the offi- 
cers for the adoption of moderate measures. Gen. Wash- 
ington sent for one officer after another, and enlarged in< 
private on the fatal consequences, and particularly the lossr 
of character, which would result from the adoption of intem- 
perate resolutions. His whole personal influence was exer* 
ted to calm the prevailing agitation. When the officers 
assembled, their venerable chief preparing to address them, 
found his eyesight to fail him, on which he observed, " My 
eyes have grown dim in my country's service, but I never 
doubted of its justice ;" and then proceeded as follows : 

" Gentlemen : 

" By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made 
to convene you together. How inconsistent with the rules 
©f propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of all 
order and discipline, let the good sense of the army decide. 

" In the moment of this summons, another anonymous 
production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the 
feelings and passions than to the reason and judgement of 
the army. The author of the piece is entitled to much 
credit for the goodness of his pen ; and I could wish he had 
as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men 
see through different opticks, and are induced, by the reflect- 
ing faculties of the mind, to use different means to attain 
the same end, the author of the address should have had 
more charity than to mark for suspicion, the man who 
should recommend moderation and longer forbearance ; or, 
in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act 
as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in which 
candour and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice, and 
love of country, have no par.t : and he was right to insinu- 
ate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest design.- 
That the address is drawn with great art, and is design- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 472 

ed to Answer the most insiduous purposes ; that it is calcu^ 
lated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated 
injustice in the sovereign power of the United States, and 
rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow 
from such a belief; that the secret mover of this scheme^ 
whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the pas- 
sions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past 
distresses, without giving time for cool, deliberate thinking, 
and that composure of mind which is so necessary to give 
dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious, 
by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proof 
than a reference to the proceeding; Thus much, gentlemen, 
I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to 
show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty 
meeting which was proposed to have been held on 'I'uesday 
last, and not because I wanted a disposition to give you 
every opportunity, consistent with your own honour and the 
dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. If 
my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you, that I have 
been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at 
this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But 
as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our 
common country ; as I have never left your side one mo- 
ment, but when called from you on publick duty ; as I have 
been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, 
and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits ; 
as I have ever considered my own military reputation an 
inseparably connected with that of the army ; as my heart 
has ever expanded with joy when I have heard its praises, 
and my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction 
has been opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at 
this late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its inter- 
ests. But how are they to be promoted? The way is 
plain, says the anonymous addresser. If war continues, 
remove into the unsettled country ; there establish your- 
selves, and leave an ungrateful country to defend itself. 
But who are they to defend ? Our wives, our children, our 
farms, and other property, which we leave behind us? Or, 
in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the two 
first, (the latter cannot be removed, ) to perish in a wilder- 
ness, with hunger, cold, and nakedness ? If peace takes 
place, never sheath your swords, says he, until you hav« 



l48 THE LIFE OP 

obtained full and ample justice. This dreadful alternative 
of either deserting our country in the extremest hour of her 
distress, or turning our arms against it, which is the appar- 
ent object, unless Congress can be compelled into instant 
compliance, has something soshockinsj in it, that humanity 
tevolts at the idea. My God ! what can this writer have 
in view, by recommending such measures? Can he be a 
friend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country? 
Rather is he not an insidious foe ? Some emissary, perhaps 
from New York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the 
seeds of discord and separation between the civil and mili- 
tary powers of the continent ? And what a compliment 
does he pay to our understandings^ when he recommends 
measures^ in either alternative, impracticable in tiieir nature f 
But here, gentlemen^ I will drop the curtain, because it 
would be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this 
opinion, as it would be insulting to your conception to sup- 
pose you stood in need of them. A moment's reflection 
will convince every dispassionate mind of the physical im- 
possibility of carrying either proposal into execution. 
There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety iri my taking 
notice in this address to yOu, of an anonymous production : 
but the manner in which that performance has been intro- 
duced to the army, the eifect it was intended to have, 
together with some other circumstances, will amply justify 
my observations on the tendency of that writing. With 
respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the 
man who shall recommend moderate measures and longer 
forbearance, I spurn it, as every man who regards that lib- 
erty and revere? that justice for which we contend, undoubt- 
edly must ; for, if men are to be precluded from offering 
their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most 
serious and alarming consequences that can invite the con. 
sideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. The free- 
dom of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we 
may be led, like sheep, to the slaughter. I cannot in justice 
to my own belief, and what I have great reason to conceive 
is the intention of Congress, conclude this address, without 
giving it as my decided opinion, that that honourable body 
entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the army^ 
and from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings will 
do it complete justice; that their endeavours to discover and 



GEOBGE WASHINGTON. 149 

establish funds for this purpose, has been unwearied, and 
will not cease till they have succeeded, I have not a doubt. 
But like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of 
different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. 
Why then should we distrust them ? and in consequence of 
that distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over 
that glory which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish 
the reputation of an army which is celebrated through all 
Em-ope for its fortitude and patriotism ? And for what is 
this done ? To bring the object we seek nearer? No ; most 
certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. 
For myself, and I take no merit in giving the assurance, 
being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity, 
and justice; a grateful sense of the confidence you have 
ever placed in me ; a recollection of the cheerful assistance, 
and prompt obedience I have experienced from you, under 
every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I feel 
for an army I have so long had the honour to command, 
will oblige me to declare in this publick and solemn manner, 
that in the attainment of complete justice for all your toils 
and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far 
as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe my 
country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may 
freely command my services to the utmost extent of my 
abilities. While I give you these assurances, and pledge 
myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert whatever 
ability I am possessed of in your favour, let me entreat you, 
gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measure, which, 
viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity 
and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me 
request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, 
and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions 
of Congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an army, 
they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as 
directed in the resolutions which were published to you two 
days ago ; and that they will adopt the most effectual meas- 
ures in their power to render ample justice to you, for your 
faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you 
in the name of our common country, as you value your 
own sacred honour, as you respect the rights of humanity, 
and as you regard the military and national character of 
. America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of 



160 THE LIFE OF 

the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to ovef-- 
turn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts 
to open the floodgates of civil discord, and deluge our rising 
empire in blood. 

" By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue 
the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes ; 
you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who 
are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. 
You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled 
patriotism and patient virtue, rising superiour to the pres- 
sure of the most complicated sufferings ; and you will, by 
the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity 
to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have ex- 
hibited to mankind — ^" Had this day been wanting, the world 
had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human 
nature is capable of attaining." 

The address being ended, Washington withdrew. No 
person was hardy enough to oppose the advice he had given.* 
The impression made by his address was irresistible. The 
happy moment was seized. While the minds of the officers, 
softened by the eloquence of their beloved commander, were 
in a yielding state, a resolution was offered and adopted, in 
which they assured him " that they reciprocated his affec- 
tionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the 
heart was capable." Before they dispersed, they unanimous- 
ly adopted several other resolutions, in which they declared, 
"That no circumstance of distress or danger should induce 
a conduct that might tend to sully the reputation and glory 
they had acquired at the price of their blood and eight 
years faithful service — That they continued to have an un- 
shaken confidence in the justice of Congress and their coun- 
try — That they viewed with abhorrence, and rejected with- 
disdain, the infamous proposition contained in a late anony- 
mous address to the officers of the army." 

The storm which had been long gathering, was suddenly 
dissipated. The army acquired additional reputation, and 

* " It was happy for the army and country, that when his Excellency 
had finished and withdrawn, no one rose and observed-^' That General 
Washington was about to quit the miUtary line laden with honour, and 
that he had a considerable estate to suppori him with dignity, but that 
their case was very different.' Had such ideas been thrown out, and 
properly enlarged upon, the meeting would probably have concluded very 
differently."— Gfordon's History^ vol. 4. page 357. 




GEORGE WASHINGTON. 151 

the commander in chief gave a new proof of the goodness 
of his heart, and the soundness of his judgement. Perhaps 
in no instance did the United States receive from heaven a 
more signal deliverance through the hands of Washington, 
than in the happy termination of this serious transaction. 
If ambition had possessed a single corner of his heart, the 
opportunity was too favourable, the temptation too splendid, 
to have been resisted. But his soul was superiour to such 
views, and his love of country so ardent, and at the same 
time so pure, that the charms of power, though recommend- 
ed by the imposing appearance of procuring justice for his 
unrewarded army, made no impression on his unshaken 
mind. He viewed the character of a patriot as superiour 
to that of a sovereign. To be elevated to supreme power,* 
was less in his esteem than to be a good man. 

* Such a proposal had been actually made to General Washington. 
A colonel of the army, of respectable character and advanced years, was 
the organ of those who entertained views of a strong government, with 
Washington at its head. He communicated these views in a letter to 
the commander in chief, and said with reference to prejudices against a 
monarchy, " It may therefore be requisite to give the head of such a 
constitution as I propose, some title apparently more moderate ; but if 
all things were once adjusted, I believe strong arguments might be pro- 
duced for admitting the title of King, which I conceive would be attended 
with some material advantages." The following is Washington'^ prompt 
and indignant reply :~ 

" Newburgh, Tld May, 1782. 
"Sir,. 

"With a mixture of great surprise and astonishment, I have read with 
attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. Be assured, 
Sir, no occurrence in the course of the war, has given me more painful 
sensations, than vour information of Ihere being such ideas existing in 
the army, as you have expressed, and I must view with abhorrence, and 
reprehend with severity. For the present, the communication of them 
will rest in my own bosom, unless some farther agitation of the matter 
shall make a disclosure necessary. 

" I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have 
given encouragement to an address, which to me seems big with the 
greatest mischiefs, that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in 
the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom 
your schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my 
own feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to 
see ample justice done to the army than I do : and, as far as my powers 
and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed to 
the utmost of my abiUties to effect it, should there be any occasion. Let 
me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern 
for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from 
your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a 
sentiment of the like nature. I am, Sir, &c. 

" Geobge Washington." 



1^2 THE LIFE 0^ 

Instead of turning the discontents of an unpaid army to 
his own aggrandizement, he improved the late events to 
stimulate Congress to do them justice. His letter to their 
President on this occasion was as follows : 

" The result of the proceedings of the grand convention 
of the officers, which I have the honour of enclosing to 
your excellency for the inspection of Congress, will, I flatter 
myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism 
which could have been given, by men who aspire to the dis- 
tinction of a patriot army ; and will not only confirm their 
claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the grat- 
itude of their country. Having seen the proceedings on 
the part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity, and 
in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes ; being im- 
pressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those 
who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully suffered 
and fought under my immediate direction ; having from mo- 
tives of justice, duty, and gratitude, spontaneously offered 
myself as an advocate for their rights ; and, having been 
requested to write to your excellency, earnestly entreating 
the most speedy decision of Congress upon the subjects of 
the late address from the army to that honourable body ; it 
now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, 
and to intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sover- 
eign power will be pleased to verify the predictions I have 
pronounced of, and the confidence the army have reposed 
in, the justice of their country. And here I humbly con- 
ceive it is altogether unnecessary, (while I am pleading the 
cause of an army which have done and suffered more than 
any other army ever did in the defence of the rights and 
liberties of human nature,) to expatiate on their claims to 
the most ample compensation for their meritorious services, 
because they are known perfectly to the whole world, and 
because, (although the topicks are inexhaustible,) enough 
has already been said on the subject. To prove these asser- 
tions, to evince that my sentimetns have ever been uniform, 
and to show what my ideas of the rewards in question have 
always been, I appeal to the archives of Congress, and call 
on those sacred deposites to witness for me. And in order 
that my observations and arguments in favour of a future 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153 

adequate provision for the officers of the army may be 
brought to remembrance again, and considered in a single 
point of view, without giving Congress the trouble of having 
recourse to their files, I will beg leave to transmit herewith 
an extract from a representation made by me to a committee 
of Congress, so long ago as the 29th of January, 1778, 
and also the transcript of a letter to the President of Con- 
gress, dated near Passaic Falls, October 11th, 1780. 

" That in the critical and perilous moment when the last 
mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost 
danger a dissolution of the army would have taken place, 
unless measures similar to those recommended had been 
adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the adoption of the 
resolution granting half pay for life has been attended with 
all the happy consequences I had foretold, so far as respect, 
ed the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast be- 
tween the state of the army at this instant, and at the former 
period, determine. And that the establishment of funds, 
and security of the payment of all the just demands of the 
army, will be the most certain means of prdfeerving the 
national faith, and future tranquillity of this extensive con- 
tinent, is my decided opinion. 

" By the preceding remarks it will readily be imagined, 
that instead of retracting and reprehending, (from farther 
experience and reflection,) the mode of compensation so 
strenuously urged in the enclosures, I am more and more 
confirmed in the sentiment ; and if in the wrong, suffer me 
to please myself with the grateful delusion. 

" For if besides the simple payment of their wages, a far- 
ther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices 
of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If the 
whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people 
can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and 
built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should 
not in the event perform every thing which has been reques. 
ted in the late memorial to Congress, then will my belief 
become vain, and the hope that has been excited, void of 
foundation. And if (as has been suggested for the purpose 
of inflaming their passions,) the officers of the army are to 
be the only sufferers by this revolution-; " if retiring from 
the field they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and 
contempt — >if they are to wade through the vile mire of de- 

14 



154 THE LIFE OP 

pendency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life io 
charity, which has hitherto been spent in honour;" then 
shall I have learned what ingratitude is ; then shall I have 
realized a tale which will embitter every moment of my fu- 
ture life. 

"But I am under no such apprehensions : a country res- 
cued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave 
unpaid the debt of gratitude. 

" Should any intemperate or improper warmth have min- 
gled itself amongst the foregoing observations, I must entreat 
your Excellency and Congress, it may be attributed to the 
effusion of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and that my 
peculiar situation may be my apology : and I hope I need 
not on this momentous occasion make any new protesta- 
tions of personal disinterestedness, having ever renounced 
for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The conscious- 
ness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and 
the approbation of my country, will be a sufficient recom* 
pense for my services. 

• "I have the honour to be, &c. &;c. 

" Geo. Washington* 

*^ His Excellency the President in Congress.''^ 

This energetic letter, connected with recent events, indu- 
ced Congress to decide on the claims of the army. These 
were liquidated, and the amount acknowledged to be due from 
the United States. 

Soon after these events, intelligence of a general peace 
was received.* The reduction of the army was therefore 

* This was in April, 1783, although for the year previous the event had 
been anticipated, and hostilities had in a great measure ceased. The 
French army, after a junction with the American army on the banks of 
the Hudson, and a grand review by Gen. Washhigton and the Count 
Rochambeau, had returned to France in September previous, having been 
in America two and a half years, and rendered important services to the 
cause of liberty. On the 18th of April, 1783, General Washington thus 
announced to the army the actual cessation of hostihties : — 

" The commander in chief orders the cessation of hostilities, between 
ihe United States of America and the king of Great Britain, to be pub- 
lickly proclaimed to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at the New Building ; and 
that the proclamation which will be communicated herewith, be read to- 
morrow evening, at the head of every regiment and corps of the army; 
after which, the chaplains, with the several brigades, will render thanks 
to Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his overruling the 
Wrath of man to his own glory, ana causing the rage of war to cease 
among the nations." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 155 

resolved upon, but the mode of effecting it required delibera. 
tion. To avoid the inconveniences of dismissing a great 
number of soldiers in a body, furloughs were freely granted 
on the application of individuals, and after their dispersion, 
they were not enjoined to return. By this arrangement a 
critical moment was got over. A great part of an unpaid 
army was dispersed over the states without tumult or 
disorder. 

While the veterans serving under the immediate eye of 
their beloved commander in chief, manifested the utmost 
good temper and conduct, a mutinous disposition broke out 
among some new levies stationed at Lancaster, in Pennsyl- 
vania. About eighty of this description marched in a body 
to Philadelphia, where they were joined by some other 
troops, so as to amount in the whole to three hundred. They 
marched with fixed bayonets to the state house, in which 
Congress and the state executive council held their sessions. 
They placed guards at every door, and threatened the presi- 
dent and council of the state with letting loose an enraged 
soldiery upon them, unless they granted their demands in 
twenty minutes. As soon as this outrage was known to 
Washington, he detached Gen. Howe with a competent force 
to suppress the mutiny. This was effected without blood- 
shed before his arrival. The mutineers were too inconsider- 
able to commit extensive mischief; but their disgraceful 
conduct excited the greatest indignation in the breast of the 
commander in chief, which was expressed in a letter to the 
president of Congress in the following words. " While I 
suffer the most poignant distress in observing that a handful 
of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in point of 
service, (if the veteran troops from the southward have not 

The proclamation referred to, provided for a general rejoicing, and cour 
tained the following clause ; — 

" The glorious task for which we first flew to arms being thus accom- 
plished, the liberties of our country being fully acknowledged and firmly 
secured, — by the smiles of Heaven on the purity of our cause, and the ho- 
nest exertions of a feeble people, determined lo be free, against a powerful 
nation disposed to oppress them ; and the character of those who have per- 
severed through every extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger, being 
immortalized by the illustrious appellation of the Patriot ^rmy,— nothing 
now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect, 
unvarying consistency of character through the very last act ; to close 
the drama with applause ; and to retire from the military theatre with 
the same approbation of angels and me^, which have crowned all their 
former virtuous actions." 



156 THE LIFE OP 

been seduced by their example,) and who are not worthy to 
be called soldiers, should disgrace themselves and their coun- 
try as the Pennsylvania mutineers have done, by insulting 
the sovereign authority of the United States, and that of 
their own, I feel an inexpressible satisfliction that even this 
behaviour cannot stain the name of the American soldiery. 
It cannot be imputable to, or reflect dishonour on, the army 
at large ; but on the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast 
it exhibits, hold up to publick view the other troops in the 
most advantageous point of light. Upon taking all the cir- 
cumstances into consideration, I cannot sufficiently express 
my surprise and indignation at the arrogance, the folly and 
the wickedness, of the mutineers ; nor can I sufficiently 
admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism, which must 
for ever signalize the unsullied character of the other corps 
of our army. For when we consider that these Pennsylva- 
nia levies who have now mutinied are recruits and soldiers 
of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the war, 
and who can have in reality very few hardships to complain 
of; and when we at the same time recollect that those sol- 
diers who have lately been furloughed from this army, are 
the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, nakedness 
and cold ; who have suffered and bled without a murmur, and 
who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes 
without a settlement of their accounts or a farthing of money 
in their pockets ; we shall be as much astonished at the vir- 
tues of the latter, as we are struck with detestation at the 
proceedings of the former." 

While arrangements were making for the final dismission 
of the army, Gen. Washington was looking forward with 
anxiety to the future destinies of the United States. Much 
of his attention was devoted to a serious consideration of 
such establishments as the independence of his country 
required. On these subjects, he freely communicated with 
Congress, and recommended that great diligence should be 
used in forming a well regulated and disciplined militia 
during peace, as the best means for securing the future 
tranquillity and respectability of the nation. He also ad- 
dressed the following circular lettex^ to the Governours of 
each of the States. 



OEORGE WASHINGTON. 157 

" Head-Q,uarters, Newburgh, June 13, 1783. 
"Sir, 

" The object for which I had the honour to hold an appointment in 
the service of my country, being accomplished, I am now preparing 
to resign it into the hands of Congress, and return to that doraestick 
retirement, which, it is well known, I left with the greatest reluctance ; 
a retirement for which I have never ceased to sigh through a long and 
painful absence, in which, (remote from the noise and trouble of the 
world,) I meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a state of undis- 
turbed repose : but, before I carry this resolution into effect, I think 
it a duty incumbent on me to make this my last official communi- 
cation, to congratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven has 
been pleased to produce in our favour; to offer my sentiments respect- 
ing some important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately con. 
nected with the tranquillity of the United States; to take my leave of 
jour excellency as a publick character ; and to give my final blessing 
to that country, in whose service I have spent the prime of my life ; 
for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and watchful 
nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always 
constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. 

" Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, 
I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the sub- 
ject of our mutual felicitation. . When we consider the magnitude of 
the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the 
favourable manner in which it has terminated ; we shall find the great, 
est possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme that 
will aflbrd infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether 
the event in contemplation be considered as a source of present en- 
joyment, or the parent of future happiness ; and we shall have equal 
occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has as- 
signed us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point 
of light. 

"The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, 
as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, compre- 
hending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding 
with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late 
satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute 
freedom and independency : they are fronji this period to be consider-_ 
ed as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be pe- 
culiarly designed by Providence for the display of human greatness 
and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every thing 
that can contribute to the completion of private and domestick enjoy, 
ment ; but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a 
surer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has 
ever been favoured with. Nothing can illustrate these observations 
more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times 
and circumstances, under which our republick assumed its rank among 
the nations. — The foundation of our empire was not laid in a gloomy 
age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epocha when the rights 
of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at 
any former period. Researches of the human mind after social hap- 
piness have l?een carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge, 

14* 



158 THE LIFE aF 

acquired by the labours of philosophers, sages, and legislators, tlirough 
a long succession of years, are laid open for us, and tlieir collected 
wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of 
government. The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension 
of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing 
liberality of sentiment; and,, above all, the pure and benign light of 
revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and in- 
creased the blessings of society. At this auspicious period, the Uni- 
ted States came into existence as a nation ; and if their citizens should 
not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own.. 

" Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. But notwith- 
standing the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us ; notwithstand- 
ing happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, 
and make it our own ; yet it appears to me there is an option still left 
to the United States of America, whether they will be respectable and 
prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. This is the 
time of their political probation : this is the moment when the eyes of 
the whole world are turned upon them : this is the time to establish or 
ruin their national character for ever : this is the favourable moment 
to give such a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to an- 
swer the ends of its institution ;. or, this may be the ill-fated moment 
for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the 
confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European pel- 
iticks, which may play one state against another, to prevent their 
growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For, 
according to the system of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, 
they will stand or fall ; and, by their conformation or lapse, it is yet 
to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as 
a blessing or a curse ; — a blessing or a curse, not to the present age 
alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. 

"With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, 
silence in me would be a crime , I will therefore speak to your excel- 
lency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am 
aware, however, those who differ from me in political sentiments may 
perhaps, remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty ; 
and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I 
know is alone the result of the purest intention. But the rectitude of 
my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives ; the part I have 
hitherto acted in life ; the determination I have formed of not taking 
share in publick business hereafter ; the ardent desire I feel, and shall 
continue to manifest, of quietl}'- enjoying in private life, after all the 
toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, I flat- 
ter myself, sooner or later, convince my countrymen, that I could have 
no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve the opinions con- 
tained in this address. 

"There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to 
the well being, I may even venture to say to the existence, of the Uni- 
ted States as an independent power. 

" 1st. An indissoluble miion of the states under one federal head. 

"2dly. A sacred regard to publick justice. 

" 3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. And, 

*' 4thly. The prevalence of tliat pacifick and friendly dispositioii 



GEOBGE WASHINGTON. 159^ 

among the people of the United States, which will induce them to 
forget their local prejudices and policies ; to make those mutual con- 
cessions which are requisite to the general prosperity ; and, in some 
instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of 
the community. 

"These are the pillars on wliich the glorious fabrick of our inde- 
pendency and national character must be supported. Liberty is the 
basis — and whoever would dare to sap the fomidation, or overturn the 
structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will 
merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, v.hich can 
be inflicted by liis injured country. 

" On the three first articles I will make a few observations ; leaving 
the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those unmediate- 
ly concerned. 

"Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper 
for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the princi-. 
pies of the union, and to take up the great question which has been 
frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the states 
to delegate a larger proportion of power to Congress, or not ; yet it 
v.'ill be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert, 
without reserve, and to insist upon tlae following positions : — That 
unless the states will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives 
they are undoubtedly invested with by the constitution, everv thing 
must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion : That it is indispen-. 
sible to the happiness of the individual states, that there should be 
lodged, somewhere, a supreme power to regtdate and govern the gen- 
eral concerns of the confederated republick, without which the union 
cannot be of long duration : That there must be a faithful and pointed 
compliance on the part of every state with the late proposals and 
demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue : 
That whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the union, or 
contribute to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be 
considered as hostile to the liberty and independency of America, 
and the authors of them treated accordingly.. And, lastly, that miless- 
we can be enabled by the concurrence of the states to participate of 
the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil 
society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so 
happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised 
and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a subject of 
regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no 
purpose ; that so many sufferings have been encountered without a com^. 
pensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many 
other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an 
entire conformity to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an 
independent power. It wUl be sufficient for my purpose to mention 
but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is 
only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is 
acknowledged, that our power can he regarded, or our credit supported 
among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers with 
the United States of America, will have no validity on a dissolution 
of the imion. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature ; or we 
may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and 



160 THE LIFE OF 

necessary progi-cssion from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of 
tyranny ; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the 
ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness. 

•' As to the second article, which respects the performance of 
publick justice, Congress have, in their late address to the United 
States, almost exhausted the subject ; they have explained their ideas 
so fully, and have enforced the obligations the states are under to 
render complete justice to all the publick creditors, with so much 
dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honour 
and independency of America can hesitate a single moment respecting 
the propriety of complying with the just and honourable measures 
proposed. If their arguments do not produce conviction, I know of 
nothing that will have greater influence, especially when we reflect 
that the system referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom 
of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least 
objectionable of any that could be devised ; and that, if it should not 
be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all 
its deplorable consequences, will take place before any different plan 
can possibly be proposed or adopted; so pressing are the present 
circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to the states. 

*' The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been 
incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; and inclination, I flatter 
myself, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before us ; 
honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only 
true policy. Let us then, as a nation, be just ; let us fulfil the publick 
contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the pur- 
pose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose 
ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the mean 
time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper busi- 
ness, as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated 
on the citizens of America ; then will they strengthen the bands of 
government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will 
reap the fruit of his labours ; every one will enjoy his own acquisi- 
tions, without molestation and without danger, 

" In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will 
grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common 
interest of society, and ensure the protection of government ? Who 
does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of 
the war, That we should be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of 
one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions ? Where 
is the man to be found, who wishes to remain in debt, for the defence 
of his own person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the . 
blood of others, without making one generous eflfort to pay the debt of 
honour and of gratitude ? In what part of the continent shall we 
find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and 
propose measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, 
and the publick creditor of his due ? And were it possible that such 
a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite 
the general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of 
such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven ? If, after all, a 
spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness should 
manifest itself in any of the states ; if such an migracious dispositiou 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161 

should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expect, 
ed to flow from the union ; if there should be a refusal to comply with 
requisitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the publick 
debts ; and if that refusal should revive all those jealousies, and pro- 
duce all those evils, which are now happily removed, Congress, who 
have in all their transactions shown a great degree of magnanimity 
and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and man ! and that 
state alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of 
the continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will 
be responsible for all the consequences. 

" For my own part, conscious of having acted while a servant of the 
publick, in the manner I conceived best suited to promote the real in- 
terests of my country ; having in consequence of my fixed belief, in 
some measure pledged myself to the army, that their country would 
finally do them complete and ample justice ; and not wishing to con- 
ceal any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, I 
have thought proper to transmit to your excellency the enclosed col- 
lection of papers, relative to the half pay and commutation granted 
by Congress, to the ofl[icers of the army. From these communica- 
tions, my decided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together 
with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to 
recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and se- 
rious manner. As the proceedings of Congress, the army, and my- 
self, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information, 
to remove the prejudices and errours which may have been entertained 
by any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just to ob- 
serve, that the resolutions of Congress, now alluded to, are as undoubt- 
edly and absolutely binding upon the United States, as the most 
solemn acts of confederation or legislation. 

" As to the idea which I am informed, has in some instances pre- 
vailed, that the half pay and commutation are to be regarded merely 
in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded for ever : that 
provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensa- 
tion offered by Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give 
to officers [of the army, for services then to be performed. It was the 
only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service. It was a 
part of their hire ; I may be allowed to say, it was the price of their 
blood, and of your independency. It is therefore more than a com. 
mon debt ; it is a debt of honour ; it can never be considered as a pen- 
sion, or gratuity, nor^cancelled until it is fairly discharged. 

" With regard to the distinction between officers and soldiers, it is 
sufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world com- 
bined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimina- 
tion. Rewards in proportion to the aid the publick draws from them, 
are unquestionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers 
have perhaps, generally, had as ample compensation for their services^ 
by the large bounties which have been paid them, as their officers will 
receive in the proposed commutation ; in others, if, besides the dona- 
tion of land, the payment of arrearages of clothing and wages, (in 
which articles all the component parts of the army must be put upon 
the same footing,) we take into the estimate the bounties many of the 
soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, which 



162 THE LIFE OF 

is promised to all, possibly their situation, (every circumstance being- 
duly considered,) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the offi- 
cers. Should a farther reward, however, be judnfed equitable, I will 
venture to assert, no "man will enjoy greater satistaetion than myself, 
in an exemption from taxes for a limited time, (which has been peti- 
tioned for in some instances,) or any other adequate imnnmity or com. 
pcnsalion granted to the brave defenders of their country's cause. 
But neither the adoption or rejcetion of this proposition will, in any 
jnanner, atlect, much less militate against, the act of Congress, by 
which they have otiered five years' full pay, in lieu of the half pay for 
life, which had been before promised to the otlicers of the army. 

" Before I conclude the subject on publick justice, I cannot omit to 
mention the obligations this country is vnider to that meritorious class 
of veterans, the non-commissioned othcers and privates, who have been 
discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of Congress, 
of April 23, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar suticr- 
ings, their singular merits and claims to that provision, need only to 
be known, to interest the feelings of humanity in their behalf. No,, 
thing but a punctual payment of their aimual allowance, can rescue 
them from the most complicated misery ; and nothing could be a more 
melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those who have slied 
their blood, or lost their limbs in tJie service of their country, witliout 
a shelter, without a friend and without the means of obtaining any of 
the comforts or necessaries of life, compelled to beg their bread daily 
from door to door. Sutfer me to recommend those of this description, 
belonging to your state, to the warmest patronage of your excellency 
and your legislature. 

♦' It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topiek which 
was proposed, and which regards i)articularly the defence of the re- 
publick — as tliere can be little doubt but Congress will recommend a 
proper peace establishment for the United States, in which a due at- 
tention will be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the 
Union upon a regular and respectable footing. If this should be the 
case, I should beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strong- 
est terms. 

" The militia of this country must be considered as the palladium 
of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. It 
is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; 
that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should 
be absolutely uniform ; and that the same species of arms, accoutre- 
ments, and military apparatus, should be introduced in every i)art of 
the United States. No one, who has not learned it from experience, can 
conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion, which result from aeon, 
ti'ary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. 

" If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual 
has been taken in the course of the address ; the importance of the 
crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my 
apology. It is, however, neither my wish nor expectation, that the 
preceding observations should claim any regard, exct^pt so far as they 
phall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the im- 
mutable rules of justice ; calculated to produce a liberal system of 
policy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 163 

by a long and close attention to publick business. Here I might speak 
with more confidence, from my actual observations ; and it" it would 
not swell this letter, (already too prolix,) beyond the bounds I had prc^ 
scribed myself, I could demonstrate to every mind, open to conviction, 
that in less time, and with much less expense than has been incurred, 
the war might have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if 
the resources of the continent could have been properly called forth ; 
that the distresses and disappointments which have very often occur- 
red, have, in too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy 
in the continental government, than a deficiency of means in the par- 
ticular states ; that the incfficacy of the measures, arising from thd 
want of an adequate authority in the supreme powcjr, from a partial 
compliance with the requisitions of Congress, in some of the states, 
and from a failure of punctuality in others, while they tended to damp 
the zeal of those who were rhore willing to exert themselves, served 
also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best 
concerted plans ; and that the discouragement occasioned by the 
complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in which our affairs were 
by this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolution 
of any army, less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, than 
tliat which I have had tlie honour to command. But while I mention 
those things which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal 
constitution, particularly in the prosecution of a war, I beg it may bo 
understood, that has I. have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully acknow- 
ledging the assistance and support I have derived from every class of' 
citizens ; so shall I always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled 
exertions of the individual states, on many interesting occasions. 

" I have thus freely disclosed what I wished, to make known, before 
1 surrendered up my publick trust to those who committed it to me. 
The task is now accomplished ; I now bid adieu to your excellency, 
as the chief magistrate of your state; at the same time, I bid a last 
farewell to the cares of office, and all the employments of publick life; 

" It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your excel- 
lency, will communicate these sentiments to your legislature, at their 
next meeting ; and that they may be considered as the legacy of one 
who has ardently wished, on all occasions ,to be useful to his country, 
and who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the 
divine benediction upon it. 

"I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and 
the state over which you preside, in his holy protection ; that he would 
incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination 
and obedience to government ; to entertain a brotherly affection and 
love for one another; for their fellow-citizens of the United States at 
large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field ; 
and, finally, that ho would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all 
to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, 
humility, and pacifick temper of the mind, which were the character- 
isticks of the divine Author of our blessed religion ; without an hum- 
ble imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope 
to be a happy nation. 

" I have the honour to be, &c. 

" Geo. Washington." 



•W 



164 THE LIFE OF 

The second of November was fixed for discharging that 
part of the army which was. engaged to serve during the 
war. On that day, Gen. Washington issued his farevveli 
orders to the armies of the United States in the most endear- 
ing language. After giving them his advice respecting their 
future conduct, and imploring the choicest of heaven's bless- 
ings in their favour, he bade them an affectionate farewell.* 

On the 25th of the same month, the British evacuated 
New York, and Gen. Washington made his publick entry 
into it, where he was received with every mark of respect 
and attention. 

The hour now approached in which it became necessary 
for the American chief to take leave of his officers who had 
been endeared to him by a long series of common sufferings 
and dangers. This was done in a solemn manner. The 
officers having previously assembled for the purpose. Gen. 
Washington joined them, and calling for a glass of wine, 
thus addressed them : " With an heart full of love and gra*. 
titude I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish that 
your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your 
former ones have been glorious and honourable." having 
drank, he added — " I cannot come to each of you, to take my 
leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come 
and take me by the hand." Gen. Knox being next, turned 
to him. Incapable of utterance, Washington grasped his 
hand and embraced him. The officers came up successively, 
and he took an affectionate leave of each of them. Not a 
word was articulated on either side. A majestic silence pre- 
vailed. The tear of sensibility glistened in every eye. 
The tenderness of the scene exceeded all description. When 
the last of the officers had taken his leave, Washington left 
the room and passed through the corps of light infantry, to 
the place of embarkation. The officers followed in a solemn 
mute procession, with dejected countenances. On his enter- 
ing the barge to cross the North river, he turned towards 
the companions of his glory, and by waving his hat, bid 
them a silent adieu. Some of them answerd this last signal 
of respect and affection with tears ; and all of them hung 
upon the barge which conveyed him from their sight, till 
they could no longer distinguish in it the person of their" 
beloved commander in chief. 

* For this Address, see Appendix. 



GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 165 

The army being disbanded, Washington proceeded to An- 
napolis, then the seat of Congress, to resign his commission. 
On his way thither, he, of his own accord, delivered to the 
comptroller of accounts in Philadelphia, an account of the 
expenditure of all the publick money he had ever received. 
This was in his own handwriting, and every entry was 
made in a very particular manner. Vouchers were produced 
for every item except for secret intelligence and service, 
which amounted to no more than 1,982Z. 10^. sterling. The 
whole whi<5h m the course of eight years of war, had passed 
through his hands, amounted only to 14,479Z. 18s. 9d. ster- 
ling. Nothing was charged or retained for personal ser- 
vices ; and actual disbursements had been managed with 
such economy and fidelity, that they were all covered by 
the above moderate sum. 

After accounting for all his expenditures of publick money, 
(secret service money for obvious reasons excepted,) with 
all the exactness which established forms required from the 
inferiour officers of his army, he hastened to resign into the 
hands of the fathers of his country, the powers with which 
they had invested him. This was done in a publick audi- 
ence. Congress received him as the founder and guardian 
of the republick. While he appeared before them, they si- 
lently retraced the scenes of danger and distress through 
which they hacf passed together. They recalled to mind the 
blessings of freedom and peace purchased by his arm. They 
gazed with wonder on their fellow-citizen who appeared 
more great and worthy of esteem in resigning his power, 
than he had done in gloriously using it. Every heart was 
big with emotion. Tears of admiration and gratitude burst 
from every eye. The general sympathy was felt by the re- 
signing hero, and wet his cheek with a manly tear. After 
a decent pause, he addressed Thomas Mifflin, the President 
of Congress, in the following words : 

♦' Mr. President, 

" The great events on which my resignation depended, having at 
length taken place, I have now the honour of offering my sincere con- 
gratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before them to 
surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim 
the indulgence of retiring from the service of my county. 

" Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, 
and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of beconx- 
ing a respectable nation, I resign with satisfa'ction the appointment 

15 



166 THE LIFE OF 

I accepted witli diffidence ; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish 
so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence 
in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the 
Union, and the patronage of Heaven. 

" The successful termination of the war has verified the most san- 
guine expectations ; and my gratitude for the interposition of Provi- 
dence, and the assistance I have received from my counjtrymen, in- 
creases with every review of the momentous contest. 

'* While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do 
injustice to my own feelings, not to acknowledge in this place the 
peculiar services and distinguished merits of the persons who have 
been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the 
choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been 
more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, thoso 
who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy 
of the favourable notice and patronage of Congress. 

" I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act 
of my official life,, by commending the interests of our dearest country 
to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superin. 
tendencc of them to his holy keeping. 

" Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great 
theatre of action; and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august 
body, imder whose orders I have long acted, I here offer my commis* 
sion, and take my leave of all the employments of publick life."* 



* The commission now returned to Congress, had been received from 
them shortly after the commencement of hostilities- It was accompanied 
with a unanimous resolution of the delegates of the United Colonies — 
" That they would maintain, assist, and adhere to George Washington, 
with their lives and fortunes, in the cause of American liberty." The 
commission, drawn by a special committee, was in the following words: 

" The delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachu- 
setts' Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, the Counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware; 
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carohna, 
" To George Washington^ Esq. 

" We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour, 
conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents constitute and appoint you to 
bo General, and Commander in Chief of the army of the United Colonies, 
and of all the forces now raised or to be raised by them, and of all others 
who shall voluntarily offer their service and join the said army, for the 
defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion 
thereof; and vou are hereby vested wiih full power and authority, to act 
as you shall ttiink for the good and welfare of the service. 

" And we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers 
under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in the 
exercise of their several duties. 

" And we do also enjoin and require you to be careful in exercising the 
great trust reposed in yon, by causing strict discipline and order to be 
observed in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised and pro- 
vide{l with all convenient necessaries. 

"And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rule? 
and discipline of war, (as herewith given you,) and punctually to observe 
and follow such orders and directions from time to time, as you shall re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 167 

This address being ended, Gen. Washington advanced 
and delivered his commission into the hands of the President 
of Congress, who replied as follows : 

" The United States in Congress assembled, receive with emotions 
too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities 
under which you have led their troops with success, through a peril- 
ous and doubtful war. 

" Called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you ac- 
cepted the sacred charge before it had formed alliances, and whilst it 
was without friends or a government to support you. 

" You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and 
fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through 
all disasters and changes. You have by the love and confidence of 
your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display tlicir martial genius, and 
transmit their fame to posterity : you have persevered till these Uni- 
ted States, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been ena- 
bled under a just Providence, to close the war in safety, freedom, and 
independence ; on which happy event we sincerely join you in con- 
gratulations. 

" Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world ; hav- 
ing taught a lesson useful to those who inflict, and to those who feel 
oppression, you retire from the great theatre of action with the bless-^ 



ceive from this, or a future Congress of these United Colonies, or com- 
mittee of Congress. 

" This commission to continue in force, until revoked by this, or a 
future Congress. 

{Signed,) " Peyton Randolph, President. 

(Attest.) " Charles Thomson, Secretary.. 

''June 17th, 1775." 

At the time this commission was accepted, the United Coloniesh had ne. 
assurance of foreign assistance, and were without established government, 
arms, magazines, forts, money, trade, navy, disciplined troops, or experi- 
encea officers. 

At the same time they were denounced by their sovereign as in a state 
of rebellion, Washington, by accqjting the command of their armies, not 
only subjected one of the largest estates in America to confiscation, but 
his life to execution. The diffidence he avowed on the occasion, was not 
the common cant of successful candidates for promotion, nor did it arise 
from apprehensions of personal danger;, but was the offspring of exces- 
sive modesty. Though willing to risk every thing on the contest, he 
really distrusted his ability to contend in regular war, with the experi- 
enced Generals of Great Britain. The doubts and fears which for some 
time kept him in suspense, at length yielded to a conviction of duty, and 
the earnest invitation of friends, who appreciated his talents more cor- 
rectly than he did himself. On the event of his declining the high com- 
mission, (as was for some time expected,) it was privately resolved to 
confer it on Gen. Ward, of Massachusetts. What would have been the 
issue of the military opposition of America conducted by that much es- 
teemed officer, no one can^ tell ; but without invidious comparison, it may 
be safely affirmed, that it could not have been more suceessful than under 
tjie auspices of Washington.. 



168 THE LIFE OF 

ings of your fellow-citizens ; but the glory of your virtues will' not 
terminate with your military command, it will continue to animate 
remotest ages. We feel with you our obligations to the army in gen- 
eral, and will particularly charge ourselves with the interest of those 
confidential ofScers who have attended your person to this affecting 
moment. 

" We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country 
to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the 
hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded 
them of becoming a happy and respectable nation ; and for you, we 
address to him our earnest prayers, that a life so beloved, may be fos- 
tered with all his care ; that your days may be happy as they have 
been illustrious, and that He will finally give you that reward which 
this world cannot give," 

The miHtary services of Gen. Washington, which ended 
with this interesting day, were as great as ever were render- 
ed by any man to any nation. They were at the same time 
disinterested. How dear would not a mercenary man have 
sold such toils, such dangers, and above all, such successes ? 
what schemes of grandeur and of power would not an ambi- 
tious man have built upon the affections of the people and 
of the army ? The gratitude of America was so lively, that 
any thing asked by her resigning chief, would have been rea- 
dily granted. He asked nothing for himself, his family, or* 
relations ; but indirectly solicited favours for the confidential 
officers who were attached to his person* These were young 
gentlemen without fortune, who had served him in the capa- 
city of Aids.de-Camp. To have omitted the opportunity 
which then offered, of recommending them to their country's 
noticej would have argued a degree of insensibility in the 
breast of their friend. The only privilege distinguishing 
him from other private citizens, which the retiring Wash- 
ington did or would receive from his grateful country, was a 
right of sending and receiving letters free of postage. 

The American chief, having by his own voluntary act, 
become one of the people, hastened with ineffable delight to 
his seat at Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potomack. 
There, in a short time, the most successful General in the 
world, became the most diligent farmer in Virginia. 

To pass suddenly from the toils of the first commission in 
the United States to the care of a farm — to exchange the 
instruments of war, for the implements of husbandry, and to 
become at once the patron and example of ingenious agri- 



GEORGE WASHITs'GTON. 169 

cultiirej would to most men have been a difficult task.* But 
to the elevated mind of Washington, if was natural and de- 
lightful. From his example, let the commanders of armies 
learn, that the fame which is acquired by the sword, without 
guilt or ambition, may be preserved without power or splen- 
dour in private life. 



CHAP. X. 

General Washington, on retiring from publick life, devotes himself to 
agricultural pursuits.. Favours- inland navigation. Declines offered 
emoluments from it. Urges an alteratioa of the fundamental rules of 
the society of the Cincinnati. Regrets the defects of the Federal sys- 
tem, and recommends a revisal of it.. Is appointed a member of the 
continental convention for that purpose, which, after hesitation, he ac- 
cepts. Is chosen President thereof. Is solicited to accept the Presi- 
dency of the United States* Writes sundry letters expressive of the 
conflict in his mind, between duty and inclination. Answers applicants 
for offices. His reluctance to enter on publick life. 

1783^1789. 

The sensations of Washington on retiring from publick 
business are thus- expressed : — 

*' I feel as a wearied traveller must do< wha, after treading many 
a painful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the 
latter, having: reached the haven to which all the former were di- 
rected, and from his house top is looking back and tracing with 
an eager eye, tlie meanders by which he escaped the quicksands 
and mires which lay in his way, and into which none but the all-, 
powerful Guide acd Dispenser of human events^ could have prevented 
his falling. 



* The previous anxiety of Washington for the retirement of private life, 
is thus expressed in a letter to the Marquis de Chastellux, dated Princeton, 
October 13th, 1783 : " Having the appearance, and indeed the enjoyment 
of peace, without the final declaration of it, I, who am only waitmg for 
the ceremonials, or till the Bntish forces shall have lakeri their leave of 
New York, am held in- an awkward and disagreeable situation, being 
anxiously desirous to ^it the walks of publick life, and under my owa 
vine and my own fig tree, to seek those enjoyments, and that relaxation, 
which a mind that has been constantly upon the atretch for more thanj 
eight years, stands so much in want of." 

15* 



170 THE LIFE OF 

" I have become a private citizen on the banks of the Potomack, 
and, under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig tree, free from 
the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of publick life, I am so- 
lacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments of which the soldier, 
who is ever in pursuit of fame — the statesman, whose watchful days 
and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the weK 
fare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe 
was insufEcient for us all — and tlie courtier, who is alwayy^ watching 
the countenance of his prince, in the hope of catching a gracious 
smile, can have very little conception. I have not only retired from 
all publick employments, but am retiring within myself, and shall be 
able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life with 
heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased 
with all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, I 
will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my 
fathers." * 

Agriculture, which had always been the favourite era- 
ployment of Washington, was now resumed with increasing 
delight. Tlie energies of his active mind were devoted to 
this first and most useful art. No improvements in the con-^ 
struction of farming utensils, no valuable experiments in 
husbandry,, escaped his attention. He saw with regret, the 
miserable system of cultivation which prevailed too gener- 
ally in his native country, and wished to introduce a better. 
With this view, he engaged in a correspondence with some 
of the distinguished agriculturists in Great Britain, partic- 
ularly the celebrated Arthur Young.f He traced the dif- 

* The habits of Washington in his retirement, (if retirement it might be 
called') for his hospitable mansion was continually thronged with distin- 

guished European and American visiters,) are stated by Mr. Sparks to 
ave been uniform, and nearly the same as they had been, previously to 
the war. "He rose before the sun, and employed himself in his study, 
writing letters or reading, until the hour of breakfast. When breakfast 
was over, his horse was ready at the door, and he rode to his farms and 
gave directions for the day to the managers and labourers. Horses were 
likewise prepared for his guests, whenever they chose to accompany him, 
or to amuse themselves by excursions into the country. Returning from 
his fields, and despatching such business as happened to be on hand, he 
went again to his study, and continued ther« until three o'clock, when 
he was summoned to dinner. Tlie remainder of the day arid evening 
were devoted to company, or to recreation in the family circle. At ten 
he retired to rest. From these habits he seldom deviated, unless com- 
pelled to do so by particular circumstances."' 

t Mr. Young was desirous of publishing this correspondence, and ap- 
plied to Gen. Washington for permission to do so. Under date of Dec. 
4th, 1778, Gen. Washrngton, with characteristick modesty and nobleness 
of mind, in concluding his reply, remarked as follows ; " I can only say 
fbr myself, that 1 have endeavoured, in a state of tranquil retirement, to 
keep myself as much from the eye of the world as I possibly could. I 
have atudiqusly avoided, as much as was in my power, to give any cause 



6E0EGE WASHINGTON. 



ITI 



(event states of agriculture in the two countries, in a great 
degree to the following obvious principles. In Great Bri- 
tain, land was dear, and labour cheap. In Anierica the re- 
verse took place to such a degree, that manuring land, was 
comparatively neglected, on the mistaken, short sighted 
idea, that it was cheaper to clear and cultivate new fields, 
than to improve and repair such as were old. To this rad- 
ical errour, which led to idleness and a vagabond dispersed, 
population, he opposed the whole weight of his influence. 
His example and recommendations tended to revolutionize 
the agriculture of his country, as his valour had revolution- 
ized its government.* 

The extension of inland navigation occupied much of 
Washington's attention, at this period of exemption from 
publick cares. Soon after peace was proclaimed,*!" he made 

for ill-natured or impertinent comments on my conduct; and I should 
be very unhappy to have any thing done on my behalf (however distant 
in itself from impropriety) which should give occasion for one officious 
tongue to use my name with indelicacy. For i wish, moet devoutly, to 
glide silently and unnoticed through the remainder of life. This is my 
heartfelt wish, and these are my undisguised feeUngs. After having sub- 
mitted them confiden^aliy to you, I have such a reUanee upon your pru- 
dence, as to leave it with you to da what you think, upon a full consider- 
ation of the matter, shall be wisest and best." 

* The views of Washington relative to the emancipation of the negra 
slaves, may not at this time be uninteresting ; and we find no more ap- 
propriate place than this, to introduce them. In a letter to the Marquia 
de La Fayette, May 10th, 1786, he says: "The benevolence of your 
heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous upon all occasions, that I never 
wonder at any fresh proofs of it ; but your late purchase of an estate in 
the colony of Cayenne,, with a view of emancipating the slaves on it, is 
a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like 
spirit might diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this- 
country. But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to- 
the Assembly [of Virginia] at its last session, for the abolition of slavery, 
but they could scarcely obtain a reading. To set the slaves afloat at 
once, would, 1 really believe, be productive of much inconvenience and 
mischief; but by degrees it certainly might and assuredly ought to be 
effected; and that too by legislative authority." 

t Gen. Washington had turned his attention to this- important subject 
before the final conclusion of peace. In the letter to- the Marquis of 
Chastellux, of Oct. 12th, 1783, quoted in a previous note, he says : 

" I have lately made a tour through the Lakes George and Champlairt 
as far as Crown Point— then returning to Schenectada, I proceeded up 
the Mohawk river to Fort Schuyler, (formerly Fort Stanwix,) crossed 
over Wood creek, which empties into the Oneida Lake, and affords the 
water communication with Lake Ontario;- I then traversed the country 
to the head of the eastern branch of the Susquehannah, and viewed the 
Lake Otsego, and the portage between that lake and the Mohawk river 
at Canajoharrie. 

Prompted by these actual observations, I could not help taking & 



I*if2 THE LIFE OP 

a tour as far west as Pittsburg, and also traversed the west- 
ern parts of New England and New York, and examined 
for himself the difficulties of bringing the trade of the west 
to different points on the Atlantick. Possessed of an ac- 
curate knowledge of the subject, he corresponded with the 
governours of different states^ and other influential charac- 
ters. To them he suggested the propriety of making by 
publick authority, an appointment of commissioners of in- 
tegrity and ability, whose duty it should be, after accurate 
examination, to ascertain the nearest and best portages be- 
tween such of the eastern and western rivers as headed near 
to each other, though they ran in opposite directions ; and 
also to trace the rivers west of the Ohio, to their sources 
and mouths, as they respectively emptied either into the 
Ohio, or the lakes of Canada, and to make an accurate map 
of the whole, with observations on the impediments to be 
overcome, and the advantages to be acquired on the com- 
pletion of the work. 

The views of Washington in advocating the extension 
of inland navigation were grand, and magnificent. He 
considered it as an effectual mean of cementing the union 
of the states. In his letter to the Governour of Virginia, 
he observed—-" I need not remark to you, sir, that the flanks 
and rear of the United States are possessed by other pow- 
ersy and formidable ones too ; nor need I press the necessity 
of applying the cement of interest to bind all parts of the 
Union together by indissoluble bonds— especially of binding 
tliat part of it which lies immediately west of us, to the 
middle states. For what ties, let me ask, should we have 
upon those people; how entirely unconnected with them 

more contemplative and extenswe view of the Tast inland navigation of 
these United States, from maps, and the information of others, and 
could not but be struck with the immense diffusion and importance of it, 
and with the goodness of that Providence which has dealt her favours t» 
us with so profuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough 
to. make a good use of them. I shall not rest contented till I have ex- 
plored the Western part of this country, and traversed those lines (or ft 
great part of them,) which have given bounds to a new empire." 

Afterwards, in a letter to the sarfle, dated Sept. 1785, he says: "I 
give the chief of my time to rural amusements, but I have lately been 
active in instituting a plan, which, if success attend it, (and of which I 
have no doubt,) maybe productive of great political, as well as commer- 
cial advantages, to the states on the Atlantick, especially the middle ones. 
It is the improving and extending the inland navigation of the river» 
Potomack and James, and communicating them with the western waters, 
by the shortest and easiest portages, and good roads." 



GBOBOE WASHINGTON. 173 

shall we be, and what troubleg may we not apprehend, if 
the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their 
loft, instead of throwing impediments in their way as they 
do now, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance ? 
When they get strength, which will he sooner than most 
people conceive, what will be the consequence of their hav- 
ing formed close commercial connexions with both or either 
of those powers ? It needs not, in my opinion, (he gift of 
prophecy to foretell." After stating the same thing to a 
member of Congress, he proceeds, " It may be asked how 
are wo to prevent this ? Happily for us the way is plain. 
Our immediate interests, as well as remote political advan- 
tages, point to it ; whilst a combination of circumstances 
render the present time more favourable than any other to 
accomplish it. Extend the inland navigation of the east- 
ern waters; communicate them as near as possible with 
those which run westward ; open these to the Ohio ; open 
also such as extend from the Ohio towards lake Erie ; and 
we shall not only draw the produce of the western settlers, 
but the peltry and fur trade of the lakes also, to our ports ; 
thus adding an immense increase to our exports, and binding 
those people to us by a chain that can never be broken."* 

The Virginia legislature acted on the recommendation of 
Gen. Washington, to the extent of his wishes ; and in coD- 
sequence thereof, works of the greatest utility have been 
nearly accomplished. They went one step farther, and by 
a legislative act vested in him, at the expense of the state, 
one hundred and fifty shares in the navigation of the rivers 
Potomack and James. The act for this purpose was intro- 
duced with the following preamble : " Whereas, it is the de- 
sire of the representatives of this commonwealth, to embrace 
every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the un- 
exampled merits of George Washington, Esq. towards his 
country ; and it is their wish in particular that those great 
works for its improvement, which, both as springing from 
the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establish- 

* It detracts not from the sagacious views and patriotick exertions of 
Washington, that the system of canals and railroads has pushed forward 
the progress of internal improvements beyond what he ventured to pre- 
dict. But it should be known and not forgotten, that their importance 
was appreciated, and the extent, if not the means, of these improvements, 
shadowed forth, in the comprehensive mmd of the fatheb or his^ 

COUNTBY*. 



1'74 THE LIFE OP 

ing, and as encouraged by his patronage, will be durable 
monuments of his glory, may be made monuments also of 
the gratitude of his country. Be it enacted," &c. 

To the friend who conveyed to Washington the first in- 
telligence of this bill he replied — 

" It is not easy for me tOt decide, by which my mind was most affec- 
ted upon the receipt of your letter of the sixth instant, surprise, or 
gratitude. Both were greater than I had words to express. The at- 
tention and good wishes which tlic assembly have evidenced by their 
act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty shares in the navigation 
of the rivers Potomack and James, is more than mere compliment. 
There is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed. But be- 
lieve me, sir, no circunistance has happened since I left the walks of 

fublick life, which has so much embarrassed me. On the one hand, 
consider this act as a noble and unequivocal proof of the good opin- 
ion, the affection, and disposition of my country to serve me ; and I 
should be hurt, if by declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should 
be construed into disrespect, or the smallest slight upon the generous 
intention cf the legislature, or that an ostentatious display of disin. 
terestedness or publick virtue was the source of refusal. 

" On the other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind and my 
actions, which are the result of reflection, as free and independent as 
the air, that I may be more at liberty to express my sentiments, and 
if necessary to suggest what may occur to me under the fullest con- 
viction, that although my judgement may be arraigned, there will be 
no suspicion that sinister motives had the smallest influence in the 
suggestion. Not content then with the bare conciousness of my hav- 
ing, in all this navigation business, acted upon the clearest convic- 
tion of the political importance of the measure, I would wish that 
every individual who may hear that it was a favourite plan of mine, 
may know also that I had no other motive for promoting it than the 
advantage of which I conceived it would be productive to the union 
at large, and to this state in particular, by cementing the eastern and 
western territory together ; at the same time, that it will give vigour 
to and increase our commerce, and be a convenience to our citizens. 

** How would this matter be viewed then by the eye of the world, 
and what opinion would be formed, when it comes to be related that 

G — — W >n exerted himself to effect this work, and that G 

W n has received twenty thousand dollars, and five thousand 

pounds sterling of the publick money as an interest therein ? Would 
not this, (if I am entitled to any merit for the part I have performed, 
and without it there is no foundation for the act,) deprive me of the 
principal thing which is laudable in my conduct ? Would it not in 
Bome respects be considered in the same light as a pension ? And 
would not the apprehensions of this induce me to offer my sentiments 
in future with the more reluctance ? In a word,, under whatever pre. 
tence, and however customary these gratuities may be in other coun. 
tries, should I not thenceforward be considered as a dependent ? One 
moment's thought of which would give me more pain, than I should 
receive pleasure from the product of all the tolls,, was every farthing 
of them vested in me," 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175 

To the Governour of the state, on receiving from him an 
official copy of the aforesaid act, Washington replied as 
follows — 

"Your excellency having been pleased to transmit me a copy of 
the act appropriating to my benefit certain shares in the companies 
for opening the navigation of James and Potomack rivers ; I take the 
hberty of retm-ning to the general assembly, through your hands, the 
profound and grateful acknowledgements inspired by so signal a mark 
of their beneficent intentions towards me, I beg you, sir, to assure 
them that I am filled on this occasion with every sentiment which 
can flow from a heart warm with love to my country, sensible to ev- 
ery token of its approbation and affection, and solicitous to testify 
in every instance a respectful submission to its wishes. 

" With these sentiments in my bosom, I need not dwell on the anx- 
iety I feel, in being obliged, in this instance, to decline a favour which 
is rendered no less flattering by the manner in which it is conveyed, 
than it is affectionate in itself. In explaining this, I pass over a com- 
parison of my endeavours in the publick service, with the many hon- 
ourable testimonies of approbation which have already so far over- 
rated and overpaid them ; reciting one consideration only, which su- 
persedes the necessity of recurring to every other. 

" When I was first called to the station with which I was honoured 
during the late conflict for our liberties, to the diffidence which' I had 
so many reasons to feel in accepting it, I thought it my duty to join a 
firm rosolution to shut my hand against every pecuniary recompense. 
To this resolution I have invariably adhered, and from it, (if I had 
the inclination,) I do not consider myself at liberty now to depart. 

" Whilst I repeat, therefore, my fervent acknowledgements to the 
legislature for their very kind sentiments and intentions in my favour, 
and at the same time beg them to be persuaded, that a remembrance 
of this singular proof of their goodness towards me will never cease 
to cherish returns of the warmest affection and gratitude ; I must 
pray that their act, so far as it has for its object my personal emolu- 
raent, may not have its effect ; but if it should please the general as- 
sembly to permit me to turn the destination of the fund vested in me, 
from my private emolument to objects of a publick nature, it will be 
my study in selecting these, to prove the sincerity of my gratitude 
for the honour conferred upon me, by preferring such as may appear 
most subservient to the enlightened and patriotick views of the legis- 
lature." 

The wishes suggested in this letter were sanctioned by 
the legislature ; and, at a subsequent time, the trust was ex- 
ecuted by conveying the shares to the use of a seminary of 
learning in the vicinity of each river. 

Near the close of the revolutionary war, the officers of the 
American army with a view of perpetuating their friendships, 
formed themselves into a society, to be named after the fa- 
mous Roman patriot, Cincinnatus. At the head of their 



276 THE LIFE OF 

society, Gen. Washington was placed. By the rules of their 
institution, the honours of the society were to be hereditary 
in their respective families, and distinguished individuals 
might be admitted as honorary members for life. These 
circumstances, together with the union of the officers of the 
army, gave an alarm to the community ; several individuals 
of which supposed that the hereditary part of the institution 
would be a germ of nobility. It was the usual policy of 
Washington to respect the opinions of the people, in mat- 
ters indifferent, or of small magnitude, though he might 
think them mistaken. Having ascertained to his own satis- 
faction, that a degree of jealousy pervaded the mass of the 
people, respecting the probable tendency of this perpetual 
hereditary society, he successfully exerted his influence to 
new model its rules, by relinquishing the hereditary principle 
and the power of adopting honorary members. The result 
proved the wisdom of the measure ; for all jealousies of the 
society henceforward were done away, and the members 
thereof were received as brethren, by the most suspicious of 
their fellow-citizens. 

When Washington, at the close of the revolutionary war> 
became a private citizen, his country confidently anticipated 
every possible blessing from peace, indepenc^ence, and self* 
government. But experience soon proved the inefficacy of 
existing systems for promoting national happiness, or 
preserving national dignity. Congress had neither the 
power nor the means of doing justice to publick cred- 
itors, nor of enforcing the respect of foreign nations. Gold 
and silver vanished— commerce languished-^property was 
depi-eciated— -and credit expired. The lovers of liberty 
and independence began to be less sanguine in their hopes 
from the American revolution, and to fear that they had 
built a visionary fabrick of government on the fallacious 
ideas of publick virtue. For the first five or six years im- 
mediately following peace, the splendour which surrounded 
the infant states from their successful struggle in the cause 
of independence and self-government, was daily darkening. 
This state of things could not be indifferent to Washington. 
He was among the first to discover the cause, and to point 
out the remedy. The inefficient support he received while 
commander in chief, proved the inefficacy of the articles of 
confederation, for raising and supporting a requisite military 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 177 

force. The experience of the first years of peace, proved 
their total inadequacy for the purpose of national govern- 
ment. From want of vigour in the federal head, the United 
States were fast dwindling into separate sovereignties, un- 
connected by any bond of union, equal to publick exigency. 
The private letters of Washington at this time, show his 
anxiety for his country's welfare and his wisdom in pointing 
out a remedy for its degradation. In one of them he ob- 
serves — " The confederation appears to me to be little more 
than a shadow without the substance, and Congress a nugato- 
ry body, their ordinances being little attended to. To me 
it is a solecism in politics ; indeed it is one of the most 
extraordinary things in nature, that we should confederate as 
a nation, and yet be afraid to give the rulers of that nation, 
who are the creatures of our own making, appointed for a 
limited and short duration, and who are amenable for every 
action, recallable at any moment, and subject to all the evils 
which they may be instrumental in producing, sufficient 
powers to order and direct the affairs of the same. By such 
policy the wheels of government are clogged, and our 
brightest prospects, and that high expectation which was 
entertained of us by the wondering world, are turned into 
astonishment ; and from the high ground on which we stood, 
we are descending into the vale of confusion and darkness. 

" That we have it in our power to become one of the 
most respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble 
opinion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, 
and liberal policy towards one another, and would keep good 
faith with the rest of the world. That our resources are 
ample and increasing, none can deny ; but while they are 
grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab 
to publick faith, and will sink in the eyes of Europe into 
contempt." 

In another — " It is one of the evils of democratick govern, 
ments, that the people, not always seeing, and frequently 
misled, must often feel before they are set right. But evils 
of this nature seldom fail to work their own cure. It is to 
be lamented, nevertheless, that the remedies are so slow, and 
that those who wish to apply them seasonably, are not at- 
tended to before they suffer in person, in interest, and in 
reputation. I am not without hopes that matters will soon 
take a favourable turn in the federal constitution. The dis- 

16 



178 THE LIFE OP 

cerning part of the community have long since seen the 
necessity of giving adequate powers to Congress for national 
• purposes, and those of a different description must yield to 
it ere long." 
In a letter to Mr. Jay, Gen. Washington observed : — 
"Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, 
accord with my own. What the event will be, is also beyond the 
reach of my foresight. We have errours to correct ; we have prob- 
ably had too good an opinion of human nature inforniing our confed- 
eration. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry 
into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, with- 
out the intervention of coerQiye power. I d,o not conceive we can 
subsist long as a nation, withojit lodging somewhere a power which 
will pervade the whole Union in as energetick a manner, as the author* 
ity of the state governments extends over the several states. To be 
fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample 
authorities for national purposes, appears to me )the very climax of 
popular absurdity and madness, Co.uld (Congress exert them for the 
detriment of the* people, without injuring themselves in an equal or 
greater proportion ? Are not their interests inseparably connected with 
those of their constituents ? By the rotati/»n of appointment, must 
they pot mingle frequently with th^e mass pf pitizens? Is it not 
rather tg be apprehended, if they were possessed pf the powers before 
describe^, that the individual members would be induced to use them 
on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing 
their popularity and future election ? We must take human nature 
as we find it-r-perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are 
of opinion, that pongress have too frequently made use of the suppli- 
ant humble tone of requisition, in applications to the states, when 
they had a right to assert their imperial dignity, and command obedi- 
ence. Be that as it niay, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where thir- 
teen sovereign, independent, disunited states, are in the habit of 
discussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option. 
Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word through- 
out the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty 
of peace, and invaded the prerogfitives of the confederacy, they will 
laugh in your face. What then is to be done ? Things cannot go on 
i^ the same train for ever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, 
ihatthe better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, 
w^J have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are 
apt t9 run from one extreme into another. To anticipate and prevent 
disastrous contingencies, would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. 
♦' What astonishing changes are a few years capable of producing! 
I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical 
form of government, without horrour. From thinking, proceeds 
speaking ; thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irre- 
vocable and tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies to verify 
their predictions ! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism 
to find that we arc incapable of governing ourselves, and that sys- 
tems founded on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and 
fallacious ! Would to God jthat wise measures may be taken in time. 



6E(5RGE WASHINGTON. iW 

^0 avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. 
Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge, I cannot 
feel myself an' Unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in 
bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is 
not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. 

" Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would 
have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been 
neglected, though given as a last legacy, in the most solemn manner. 
I had then, perhaps, some claims to pUblick attentions. I consider 
myself as having none at present." 

Illumination, on the subject of enlarging the powers of 
Congress, was gradual. Washington, in his extensive cor- 
respondence and intercourse with the leading characters of 
the different states, urged the necessity of a radical reform 
in the existing system of governhierit. The business was 
at length seriously taken up and a proposition was made by 
Virginia, for electing deputies to a general convention, for 
the sole purpose of revising the Federal system of govern- 
ment. 

While this proposition was under consideration, an event 
took place, which pointed out the propriety of its adoption. 
The pressure of evils in a great degree resulting from the 
imbecility of government, aided by erroneous opinions, 
which confound liberty with licentiousness, produced com- 
motions in Massachusetts, which amounted to treason and 
rebellion. On this occasion, Washington expressed himself 
in a letter as follows : — 

•' The commotions and temper of numerous bodies in the eastern 
country, present a state of things equally to be lamented and depre- 
cated. They exhibit a melancholy verification of what our Trans- 
atlantick foes have predicted, and of another thing perhaps, which is 
still more to be regretted, and is yet more unaccountable, that man- 
kind when left to themselves, are unfit for their own government. I 
am mortified beyond expression, when I view the clouds which have 
spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon my country. 
In a word, I am lost in amazement, when I behold what intrigue the 
interested views of desperate cliaracters, ignorance and jealousy of the 
minor part, are capable of effecting, as a scourge on the major part of 
our fellow-citizens of the Union; for it is hardly to be supposed, that 
the great body of the people, though they will not act, can be so short- 
sighted, or enveloped in darkness, as not to see rays of a distant sun 
through all this mist of intoxication and' folly. 

*' You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the 
present tumults in Massachusetts. Tknow not where that influence 
is to be found, nor, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for 
these disorders. Influence is not government. Let us have a gov. 
ernment by which our lives, liberties, and properties, will be secured, 



180 THE LIFE OF 

or let tts know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my hum. 
ble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what 
the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them if 
possible, or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to di- 
it in the present moment. If they have not, employ the force of 
government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be 
convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be 
more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible, is 
hardly possible. To delay one or the other of these expedients, is to 
exasperate on the one hand, or to give confidence on the other, and 
will add to their numbers ; for like snowballs such bodies increase by 
every movement, unless there is something in the way to obstruct 
and crumble them before their weight is too great and irresistible. 

"These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things. 
Let the reins of government, then, be braced and held with a steady 
hand, and every violation of the constitution be reprehended. If de- 
fective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon while 
it has an existence." 

Virginia placed the name of Washington at the head of 
her delegates for the proposed convention. Letters poured 
in upon him from all sides, urging his acceptance of the 
appointment. In answer to one from Mr. Madison, who 
had been the principal advocate of the measure in the Vir- 
ginia legislature, Gen. Washington replied — 

•' Although I have bid a publick adieu to the publick walks of life, 
and had resolved never more to tread that theatre, yet, if upon any 
occasion so interesting to the well-being of our confederacy, it had 
been the wish of the Assembly that I should be an associate in the 
business of revising the Federal system, I should, from a sense of the 
obligation I am under for repeated proofs of confidence in me, more 
than from any opinion I could entertain of my usefulness, have obeyed 
its call ; but it is now out of my power to do this with any degree of 
consistency. The cause I will mention. 

" I presume you heard, sir, that I was first appointed, and have 
eince been re-chosen, President of the Society of the Cincinnati; and 
you may have understood also, that the triennial general meeting of 
this body is to be held in Philadelphia the first Monday in May next. 
Some particular reasons, combining with the peculiar situation of my 
private concerns, the necessity of paying attention to them, a wish for 
retiremeirt, and relaxation from publick cares, and rheumatick pains, 
which I begin to feel very sensibly, induced me, on the 31st ultimo, 
to address a circular letter to each state society, informing them of 
my intention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be 
re-chosen President. The Vice-President is also informed of this, that 
the business of the society may not be impeded by my absence. Un- 
der these circumstances it will readily be perceived, that I could not 
appear at the same time and place, on any other occasion, without 
giving offence to a very respectable and deserving part of the commu- 
nity — the late officers of the American army." 



^EOKGE WASHINGTON. 181 

The' meeting of the convention was postponed to a day 
subsequent to that of the meeting of the Cincinnati. This 
removed one of the difficulties in the way of Washington's 
acceptance of a seat in the convention, and joined with the 
importance of the call, and his own eager desire to advance 
the publick interest, finally induced his compliance with the 
wishes of his friends. 

The convention met in Philadelphia, in May, and unani- 
mously chose George Washington their President. On the 
17th of September, 1787, they closed their labours, and sub 
mitted the result to Congress, with their opinion "that it 
should be submitted toa convention of delegates chosen in 
each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation 
of its legislature, for their assent and ratification." 

By this new form of government, ample powers \yere given 
to Congress without the intervention of the states, for every 
purpose that national-dignity, interest, or happiness, re- 
quired. 

The ablest pens and most eloquent tongues were employed 
for, and against, its acceptance. In this animated contest, 
Washington took no part. Having with his sword vindi- 
cated the right of hiscountry to self-government, and having 
with his advice aided in digesting an efficient form of govern- 
ment, which he most thoroughly approved, it would-seem as 
though he wished the people to decide for themselves; whether- 
to accept or reject it.* 

• The following letter; written about this time, is worthy to be perpe-' 
tuated, not only as an example of the playfulness of style in which this 
^eat and good roan could occasionally indulge, but for the justness of 
us sentiments, and the manner in which Gen. Washington speaks, in' 
conclusion, of this interesting period iii the history of his country : 

" Mount Vernon, April 25, 1788. 

"Mt dear Marquis— In reading your very friendly and acceptable let- 
ter, of the 21st of December, 1787, which came to hand by the last mail, 
I was, as you may well suppose, not less delighted than surprised to come 
across that plain American word ' My^ wifie.' — A wife! — well, 'my dear 
Marquis, I can hardly refrain from smiling to find that you are caught at 
last. I saw, by the eulogium you.often made on the . happiness of do- 
mestick life in America, that you had swallowed the bait; and that you 
would, as surely as you are a philosopher and a soldien be taken one 
day or other. So your day as' at length come— I am glad of it, with all 
my heart and soul. It is quite good enough for you : — Now, you are well 
served for coming to fight in favour of the American rebels, all the way 
across the Atlantick Ocean, by catching that terrible contagion, which, 
like the smallpox, or the plague, a man can have only once in his life, 
because it commonly lasts him (at least with us in America ; I dont know 
bow you manage these matters in Praiitje) 'for his life time. And yet, 

1^* 



182 THE LIFE OF 

The constitution being accepted by eleven states, and 
preparatory measures being taken for bringing it into opera- 
after all the maledictions you so richly merit on the subject, the worst 
wish I can find it in my heart to make against Madame de Chastellux, and 
yourself, is, that you may neither of you get the better of this domestick 
felicity during the course of your mortal exisience. 

" If so wonderful an event should have occasioned me, my dear Mar- 
quis, to have written in a strange style, you will understand me as clearly 
as if I had said, (what in plain Enghsh is the simple truth,) do me the 
justice to believe that I take a heartfelt interest in whatever concerns 
your happiness ; and in this view, I sincerely congratulate you on your 
auspicious matrimonial connexion. 

" I am happy to find that Madame de Chastellux is so intimately con- 
nected with the Dutchess of Orleans, as I have always understood that 
this noble lady was an illustrious pattern of connubial love, as well as an 
excellent model of virtue in general. 

"While you have been making love under the banner of Hymen, the 
great personages of the North have been making war under the inspira- 
tion, or, rather the infatuation of Mars. Now, for my part, 1 humbly 
conceive you had much the best and wisest of the bargain; for certainly, 
it is more consonant to all the principles of reason and rehgion, (natural 
and revealed,) to replenish the earth with inhabitants, rather than depo- 
pulate it by killing those already in exisience; besides, it is time for the 
age of knight-errantry and mad heroism to be at an end. 

" Your young military men, who want to reap the harvest of laurels, 
dont care, I suppose, how many seeds of war are sown ; but, for the sake 
of humaniiy, it is devoutly to be wished, that the manly employment of 
agriculture, and the humanizing benefits of commerce, should supersede 
the waste of war, and the rage of conquest; that the swords might be 
turned into ploughshares — the spears into pruninghooks— and, as the 
Scripture expresses it, ' the nations learn war no more.' 

" I will now give you a little news from this side the Atlantick, and 
then fiinish. As for us we are plodding on in the dark road of peace and 
politicks. We, who hve in these ends of the earth only hear of the ru- 
mours of war, like the roar of distant thunder. It is to be hoped our re- 
mote local situation will prevent us from being swept mto its vortex. 

" The constitution which was proposed by the Federal Convention, has 
been adopted by the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware, and Georgia. No state has rejected it. The Con- 
vention of Maryland is now sitting, and will probably adopt it, as that of 
South Carolina will do in May. The other Conventions will assemble 
early in the summer. Hitherto there has been much greater unanimity 
in favour of the proposed government than could have reasonably been 
expected. Should it be adopted, (and I think it will be,) America will 
lift up her head again, and, in a few years, become respectable among the 
nations. It is a flattering and consolitary reflection, that our rising re- 
publick has the good wishes of all philosophers, patriots, and virtuous 
men, in all nations, and that they look upon it as a kind of asylum for 
mankind. God grant that we may not be disappointed in our honest 
expectations by our folly or perverseness ! 

" With sentiments of the purest attachment and esteem, I have the 
honour to be, my dear Marquis, 

" Your most obedient and humble servant, 

•' Gborqe Washingtok. 

" The Marquis ds Chastellux." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183 

tion, all eyes were turned to Washington, as being the fittest 
man for the office of President of the United States. His 
correspondents began to press his acceptance of the high 
office, as essential to the well-being of his country. 

To those who think that Washington was like other men, 
it will scarcely appear possible, that supreme magistracy 
possessed no charms sufficient to tempt him from his beloved 
retirement, when he was healthy and strong, and only fifty- 
seven years old; but if an opinion can be formed of his real 
sentiments, from the tenour of his life and confidential com- 
munications to his most intimate friends, a conviction will be 
produced, that his acceptance of the Presidency of the Uni- 
ted States was the result of a victory obtained by'a sense of 
duty over his inclinations, and was a real sacrifice of the 
latter to the former. 

In a letter to Col. Henry Lee, Washington observes — 

" Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fond- 
ness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, 
augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a 
private citizen ; yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard 
to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of 
encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an 
acceptance, but a belief that some other person who had less pretence 
and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties full as 
satisfactorily as myself. To say more would be indiscreet, as a dis- 
closure of a refusal beforehand might incur the application of the fable, 
in which the fox is represented as undervaluing the grapes he could 
not reach. You will perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observed, 
(and which you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confiden- 
tial communication,) that my inclinations will dispose and decide me 
to remain as I am, unless a clear and insurmountable conviction 
should be impressed on my mind, that some very disagreeable conse- 
quences must in all human probability result from the indulgence of 
my wishes." 

In a letter to Col. Hamilton, Washington observes — 

•' If I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly re. 
joice, in case the electors, by giving their votes to some other person, 
would save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forced to accept 
or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the next place, earnestly de. 
sirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does 
not exist a probability that the government would just as happily and 
effectually be carried into execution, without my aid, as with it. I 
am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous information which the 
circumstances will afford, and to determine, (when the determination 
can no longer be postponed,) according to the principles of right rea- 
son, and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a refer- 



184 THE LtFE OP 

cnce to the unforeseen consequences which may aiFect my person or 
reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to con. 
viction, though I allow your sentiments to have weight in them ; and 
I shall not pass by your arguments, without giving them as dispas- 
sionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon them. 

*' In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I 
have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgmentj 
my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, 
as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and, perhaps, must 
be called upon ere long to make the decision. You will, I am well 
assured, believe the assertion, (though I have little expectation it 
would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me,) that 
if I should receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon tp 
accept it, the acceptance would be attended with more difficulty and 
reluctance, than I ever experienced before. It would be, however, 
with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance 
might be in my power to promote the publick weal, in hopes, that at 
a convenient and early period, my services might be dispensed with ; 
and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an uncloud-- 
ed evening, after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestick 
tranquillity." 

In a letter to Gen. Lincoln, Washington observes — 

" I may, however, with great sincerity, and I believe without offend- 
ing against modesty and propriety, say to you, that I most' heartily 
wish the choice to which you allude, might not fall upon me; and 
that if it should, I must reserve to myself the right of making up my 
final decision, at the last moment when it can be brought into one 
view, and when the expediency or inexpediency of a refusal can be 
more judiciously determined, than at present. But be assured, my 
dear sir, if, from any inducement, I' shall be persuaded ultimately to ■ 
accept, it will not be, (so far as I know my own heart,) from anj- of 
a private or personal nature. Every personal consideration conspires 
to rivet me, (if I may use the expression,) to retirement. At my. 
time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can 
ever draw me from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of 
my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined 
to a fear that my reftisal might induce a belierthat I preferred the 
conservation of my own reputation and private ease, to the good of 
my country. After all,- if I should conceive myself in a manner con. 
strained to accept, I call heaven to witness, that this very act would 
be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings aiid wishes, that ever 
I have been called upbn to make. • It would be to forego- repose and do. 
mestick enjoyment, for trouble, pterhaps for publick • obloquy ; for I 
should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped 
on every side with clt)trds and dark-ness. 

" From this embarrassing situation, I had 'riaturalPy supposed, that 
my declarations at the close of the war would hav6 saved me, and 
that my sincere intentions, then publickly made known, would have 
effectually precluded me for ever after wards- fromi^ being looked upon 
as a candidate for any office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldly 
hfappiness in old age, I had carefully pregerted, until the publick pa- - 



GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 185 

pers and private letters from my correspondents in almost every quar- 
ter, taught me to apprehend that I might soon be obliged to answer 
the question, whether I would go again into publick life or not." 

In a letter to the Marquis de La Fayette, Washington 
observes — 

" Your sentiments indeed coincide much more nearly with those of 
my other friends, than with my own feelings. In truth, my difficul- 
ties increase and magnify as I draw towards the period, when, accord- 
ing to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive 
answer in one way or other. Should circumstances render it in a 
manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, my 
dear sir, I shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, 
and with a real diffidence, for which I shall probably receive no credit 
from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a convic. 
tion of duty, will induce me again to take an active part in publick 
affiiirs. And in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, 
my endeavours shall be unremittingly exerted, (even at the hazard of 
former fame or present popularity,) to extricate my country from the 
embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and 
to establish a general system of policy, which, if pursued, will ensure 
permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I think I see a path as clear 
and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that 
object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are 
necessary to make us a great and a happy people. Happily the present 
posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my countrymen, 
promise to co-operate in establishing those four great and essential 
pillars of publick felicity." 

Before the election of a President came on, so universal 
was the expectation that Washington would be elected, that 
numerous applications were made to him, in anticipation for 
offices in the government, which would be in his gift. To 
one of such applicants he wrote as follows : — 

" Should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the sta- 
tion in which your letter presupposes me, I have determined to go 
into it perfectly free from all engagements of every nature whatsoever. 
A conduct in conformity to this resolution, would erfable me in bal. 
ancing the various pretensions of different candidates for appointments, 
to act with a sole reference to justice, and the publick good. This is 
in substance, the answer that I have given to all applications, (and 
they are not few,) which have already been made." 



186 THE LIFE 0? 



GHAP. XI. 

Washington elected President. On his way to the seat of government' 
at New York, receives the most flattering marks of respect. Addresses 
Congress. The situation of the United States in their foreign and do- 
mestick relations, at the inauguration of Washington. Fills up publick 
offices solely with a view to the publick good. Proposes a treaty to 
the Creek Indians, which is at first rejected. Col. Willet induces the 
heads of the nation to come to New York, to treat there. The North- 
Western Indians refuse a treaty, but after defeating Generals Harmar 
and Sinclair, they are defeated by Gen. Wayne. They then submit, 
and agree to treat. A new system' is introduced for meliorating their 
condition. 

J789— 1794. 

It was intended that the new government should have 
commenced its operations on the 4th of March, 1789 ; but 
from accidental causes, the election of Gen. Washington 
to the Presidency was not officially announced to him at 
Mount Vernon, till the 14th of next April. This was done 
by Charles Thomson, Secretary of the late Congress, who- 
presented to him the certificate signed by the President of 
the Senate of the United States, stating that George WasK- 
ington was unanimously elected President. This unexpected^ 
delay was regretted by the publick, but not by the newly 
elected President. In a letter to Gen. Knox, he observed — 

"As to myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for in 
confidence I tell you, (.with the vwrld it would obtain little credit,) 
that my moveilients to the chair of government will be accompanied 
by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of 
Bis execution ; so unwilling am I in the evening of life, nearly con. 
sumed in publick cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of diffi- 
culties, without that competency of political skill, abilities and incli- 
nation, which are necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible that 
I am embarking the voice of the people, and a good name of my own, 
on this voyage, but what returns will be made for them. Heaven alone 
can foretell. Integrity and firmness arc all I can promise. These, 
be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, although I may 
be deserted by all men ; for of the consolations which are to be derived 
from these, under any circumstances, the world cannot deprive me." 

On the second day after receiving notice of his appoint. 



6E0E6E WASHUnSTON. 1^7 

meirt, Washington set out for New York.* On his way 
thither, the road wa3 crowded with numbers anxious to see 
the man of the people. Escorts of mihtia, and of gentlemen 
of the first character and station, attended him from state to 
state, and he was every where received with the highest 
honours which a grateful and admiring people could confer. 
Addresses of congratulation were presented to him by the 
inhabitants of almost every place of consequence through 
which he passed, to all of which he returned such modest, 
unassuming answers, as were in every respect suitable to 

* The social and domestick examples of such a man as General Wash- 
ington, are of greater value 4,0 posterity than all his publick acta and 
deeds of civil or mihtary conxjuest. In a note on page 137, we gave an 
account of theintervievv^of Washington with his mother, aftei the glorious 
and decisive affair of Yorktown ; and we cannot omit the followmg ad- 
ditional and interesting proof of his fihal affection, being an account of 
the last earthly interview between the mother and son, which is published 
while this work is in press, in an Eastern paper, (the Hartford Courant): 

" Immediately after the organization of the present government. Gene- 
ral Washington repaired to Fredericksburg, to pay his humble duty to hie 
mother, preparatory to his departure to New York. An affecting scene 
ensued. The son feelingly remarked the ravages which a tottering dis- 
ease had made upon the aged frame of his mother, and thus addressed 
her : — 

'* ' The people, madam, have been pleased, with the most flattering 
unanimity, to elect me to the chief magistracy of the United States, but 
before I can assume the functions of that office. I have come to bid you 
an_ affectionate farewell. So soon as the publick business, which must 
necessarily be encountered m arranging a new government, can be dis- 
posed of, I shall hasten to Virginia, and' — 

" Here the matron interrupted him. 'You will see me no more. My 
greatage, and the disease that is fast approaching my vitals, warn me 
she 



that I shall not be long in this world. I trust in God, I am somewhat 
prepared for a better. But go, George, fulfil the high destinies which 
Heaven appears to assign you ; go, my son, and may that Heaven's and 
your mother's blessing be with you always.' 

"The President was deeply affected. His head rested upon the shoul- 
der of his parent, whose aged arm feebly, yet fondly encircled his neck. 
That brow on which fame had wreathed the purest laurel virtue ever gave 
to created man, relaxed from its lofty bearing. That look which could 
have awed a Roman Senate, in its Fabrician day, was bent in fiUal ten- 
derness upon the time-worn features of this venerable matron. 

" The great man wept. A thousand recollections crowded upon his 
mind, as memory retracing scenes long past, carried him back to' his 
paternal mansion, and the days of his youth; and there the centre of 
attraction was his mother, whose care, instruction, and discipline, had 
prepared him to reach the topmost height of laudable ambition; yet how 
were his glories forgotten while he gazed upon her from whom, wasted 
by time and malady, he must soon part to meet no more! 

"The matron's predictions were true. The disease which had so long 
preyed upon her frame, completed its iifiumph, and she expired [in the 
following August, 1789,1 at the age of 85, confiding in the promises of 
inimortaTity to the humble believer." 



188 THE LIFE or 

his situation. So great were the honours with which he 
was loaded, that they could scarcely have failed to produce 
haughtiness in the mind of any ordinary man ; but nothing 
of the kind was ever discovered in this extraordinary person, 
age. On all occasions he behaved to all men with the affa- 
bility of one citizen to another. He was truly great in de- 
serving the plaudits of his country, but much greater in not 
being elated by them.* 

Of the numerous addresses which were presented on this 
occasion, one subscribed by Dennis Ramsay, the mayor of 
Alexandria, in the name of the people of that city, who were 
the neighbours of Mr. Washington, was particularly and 
universally admired. It was in the following words : 

" To George Washington, Esq. President of the United States, ^c. 

" Again your country commands your care. Obedient to its wishes, 
unmindful of your ease, we see you again relinquishing the bliss of 
retirement, and this too, at a period of life when nature itself seems 
to authorize a preference of repose. 

"Not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to pour forth our grati- 
tude for past services ; not to acknowledge the justice of the unexam. 
pled honour which has been conferred upon you by the spontaneous 
and unanimous suffrage of three millions of freemen, in your election 
to the supreme magistracy, nor to admire the patriotism which directs 
your conduct, do your neighbours and friends now address you. 
Themes less splendid, but more endearing, impress our minds. The 
first and best of citizens must leave us ; our aged must lose their or- 
nament; our youth their model; our agriculture its improver; our 
commerce its friend ; our infant academy its protector ; our poor their 
benefactor ; and the interiour navigation of the Potomack, (an event, 
replete with the most extensive utility, already by your unremitted 
exertions brought into partial use,) its institutor and promoter. 

" Farewell. Go, and make a grateful people happy — a people who 



* Although modest and unostentatious, Washington was not msensible 
to the voice of merited praise, and sincere approbation. His views upon 
this subject are thus expressed in a letter to Chastellux, Aug. 8, 1786, re- 
ferring to the complimentary poem of Col. Humphrey, which had been 
translated into French by the former :— 

" Having been thus unwarily, and I may be permitted to add, almost 
unavoidably betrayed into a kind of necessity to speak of myself, and not 
wishing to resume that subject, I choose to close it forever, by observing, 
that, as on the one hand, I consider it as an indubitable mark of mean 
spiritedness and pitiful vanity to court applause from the pen or tongue 
of man ; so on the other, I believe it to be a proof of false modesty, or an 
unworthy affectation of humiUty, to appear altogether insensible to the 
commendations of the virtuous and enlightened part of our species. 

" Perhaps nothing can excite more perfect harmony in the soul, than 
to have this spring vibrate in unison with the internal consciousness of 
rectitude in our intentions, and an humble hope of approbation from the 
Supreme Disposer of all things." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189 

will be doubly gratefiil when they contemplate this recent sacrifice 
for their interest. 

" To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at his will, we commend 
you ; and after the accomplishment of the arduous business to which 
you arc called, may he restore to us again the best of men, a^id the most 
beloved fellow-citizen." 

To this Mr. Washington returned the following answer — 

*' ■GentlemeK, 

"Although I ought not to conceal, yet 1 cannot describe the painful 
emotions which I felt, in being called upon to determine whether I 
would accept or refuse the Presidency of the United States. The una- 
nimity in the choice ; the opinion of my friends communicated from 
different parts of Europe as well as from America ; the apparent wish 
of those who were not entirely satisfied with the constitution in its 
present form, and an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental 
in connecting the good will of my countrymen towards each other, have 
induced an acceptance. Those who know me best, (and you, my 
Fellow-citizens, are, from your situation, in that number,) know better 
than any others, my love of retirement is so great, that no earthly con- 
sideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailed upon me 
to depart from my resolution " never more to take any share in transac- 
tions of a publick nature ;" for at my age, and in my circumstances, 
what prospects or advantages could I propose to myself from embarking 
again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of publick life ? 

'• I do not feel myself under the necessity of making publick declar- 
ations in order to convince you, gentlemen, of my attachment to your- 
selves, and regard for your interests. The whole tenour of my life has 
been open to your inspection, and my past actions, rather than my 
present declarations, must be the pledge of my future conduct. 

" In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely for the expressions 
of kindness contained in your valedictory address. It is true, just after 
having bade adieu to my domestick connexions, this tender proof of 
jour friendship is but too well calculated still further to awaken my 
sensibility, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyment of 
private life. 

"All that now remains for me, is to commit myself and you to the 
protection of that beneficent Being, who on a former occasion hath 
happily brought us together, after a long and distressing separation. 
Perhaps the same gracious Providence will again indulge me. Unut- 
terable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence, while 
from an aching heart I bid all my affectionate friends and kind neigh- 
bours farewell." 

Gray's bridge over the Schuylkill, which Mr. Washington 
had to pass, was highly decorated with laurels and ever- 
greens. At each end of it were erected magnificent arches, 
composed of laurels, emblematical of the ancient Roman 
triumphal arches, and on each side of the bridge was a laurel 
17 



190 THE LIFE OF 

shrubbery. As Mr. Washington passed the bridge, a youth 
ornamented with sprigs of laurel, assisted by machinery, let 
drop above his head, though unperceived by him, a civic 
crown of laurel. Upwards of 20,000 citizens lined the 
fences, fields, and avenues, between the Schuylkill and Phila- 
delphia. Through these he was conducted to the city by a 
numerous and respectable body of the citizens, where he 
partook of an elegant entertainment provided for him. The 
pleasures of the day were succeeded by a handsome display 
of fireworks in the evening. 

When Mr. Washington crossed the Delaware, and landed 
on the Jersey shore, he was saluted with three cheers by the 
inhabitants of the vicinity. When he came to the brow of 
the hill on his way to Trenton, a triumphal arch was erected 
on the bridge by the direction of the ladies of the place. 
The crown of the arch was highly ornamented with laurels 
and flowers, and on it was displayed in large figures, " De- 
cember 26th, 1776." On the sweep of the arch beneath, 
was this inscription — « The Defender of the Mothers will 
also protect their Daughters." On the north side were 
ranged a number of female children dressed in white, with 
garlands of flowers on their heads, and baskets of flowers on 
their arms ; in the second row stood the young women, and 
behind them the married ladies of the vicinity. The instant 
he passed the arch, the children began to sing the following 
ode. 

" Welcome mighty chief! once more 
Welcome to this grateful shore. 
Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow, 
Aims at thee the fatal blow. 
Virgins fair, and matrons grave, 
These thy conquering arm did save! 
Build for thee triumphal bowers : 
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers ; 
Strew your hero's way with flowers." 

As they sung the last lines, they strewed their flowers on 
the road before their beloved deliverer. His situation on this 
occasion, contrasted with what he had in December, 1776, 
felt on the same spot, when the affairs of America were at 
the lowest ebb of depression, filled him with sensations that 
cannot be described. He was rowed across the bay from 
Elizabethtown to New York, in an elegant barge, by thirteen 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 191 

pilots. All the vessels in the harbour hoisted their flags. 
Stairs were erected and decorated for his reception. On his 
landing, universal joy diffused itself through every order of 
the people, and he was received and congratulated by the 
Governor of the state, and officers of the corporation. He 
was conducted from the landing place to the house which had 
been fitted up for his reception, and was followed by an ele- 
gant procession of militia in their uniforms, and by a great 
number of citizens. In the evening the houses of the inhab- 
itants were brilliantly illuminated. 

A day was fixed soon after his arrival, for his taking the 
oath of office, which was in the following words. *• I "do 
solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States; and will to the best of my 
ability preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the 
United States." On this occasion he was wholly clothed in 
American manufactures. In the morning of the day ap- 
pointed for this purpose, the clergy of different denominations 
assembled their congregations in their respective places of 
worship, and offered up publick prayers for the President 
and people of the United States. About noon a procession, 
followed by a multitude of citizens, moved from the Presi- 
dent's house to Federal Hall. When they came within a 
short distance from the Hall, the troops formed a line on both 
sides of the way, through which Mr. Washington, accom- 
panied by the Vice-President, Mr. John Adams, passed into 
the Senate chamber. Immediately after, accompanied by 
both houses, he went into the gallery fronting Broad street, 
and before them and an immense concourse of citizens, took 
the oath prescribed by the constitution, which was adminis- 
tered by R. R. Livingston, the Chancellor of the state of 
New York. An awful silence prevailed among the specta- 
tors during this part of the ceremony. It was a minute of 
most sublime political joy. The Chancellor then proclaim- 
ed him President of the United States. This was answered 
by the discharge of thirteen guns ; and by the effusion of 
shouts from near 10,000 grateful and affectionate hearts. 
The President bowed most respectfully to the people, and the 
air resounded again with their acclamations. He then re- 
tired to the Senate Chamber, where he made the following 
speech to both houses : 



192 THE LIFE OF 

" Fellow-citizens of the Senate, 
AND OF the 

House of Representatives : 
• " Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled 
me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was trans- 
mittcd by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present 
month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose 
voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat 
which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flatter- 
ing hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining^ 
years : a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well 
as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of fre- 
quent interruptions- in my health to the gradual waste committed on it 
by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to 
which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken 
in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny 
into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one 
who, inheriting inferiour endowments from nature, and unpractised in 
the duties of civil administration, ouglit to be peculiarly conscious of 
his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, 
that it has been my faithful study to recollect my duty from a just 
appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be eflfected. All 
I dare hope is, that, if in accepting this task, I have been too much 
swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affec- 
tionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my 
fellow-citizens ; and have thence too little consulted my incapacity, 
as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me ; 
my ERROR will be palliated by tlie motives which misled me, and its 
consequences be judged by my country with some share of tlie partiali;- 
ty in which they originated. 

" Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the 
publick summons, repaired to the present station ; it will be peculiarly 
improper to omit, in this first oflicia] act, my fervent supplications to 
that Almighty Being who rules over the universe ; who presides in the 
councils of nations ; and whose providential aids can supply every 
human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and 
happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted 
by themselves for these essential purposes ; and may enable every 
instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success, 
the functions allotted to its charge. In tendering this homage to the 
great Author of every publick and private good, I assure myself that it 
expresses your sentiments not less than my own ; nor those of my 
fellow-citizens at large, less than either.. No people can be bound to 
acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs 
of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by 
which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation 
seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency ; 
and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their 
united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent 
of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, 
cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have 
been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with aa 



GEtm^lS WASHINGTON. 193 

humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seems to 
presage. These reflections arising out of the present crisis, have forced 
themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join 
with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence 
of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more 
auspiciously commence. 

" By the article establishing the executive department, it is made 
the duty of the president ' to recommend to your consideration, such 
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' The circum- 
stances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering 
into that subject, farther than to refer to the great constitutional 
charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your 
powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. 
It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more 
congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute in place 
of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to 
the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the charac- 
ters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honourable quali- 
fications, I behold the surest pledges that, as on one side, no local 
prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, 
will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch 
over this great assemblage of communities and interests : so, on another, 
that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure 
and immutable principles of private morality ; and the preeminence 
of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win 
the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. 
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love 
for my country can inspire ; since there is jio truth more thoroughly 
established than that there exists, in the economy and course of na- 
ture, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness ; between 
duty and advantage ; between the genuine maxims of an honest and 
magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of publick prosperity and 
felicity: since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious 
smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards 
the eternal rules of order and right, which heaven itself has ordained : 
and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny 
of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, 
perhaps as finally staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of 
the American people, 

" Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will re- 
main with your judgement to decide, how far an exercise of the 
occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the constitution is 
rendered expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of objec- 
tions which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of 
inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking 
particular recommendations on this subject, in which 1 could be guided 
by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way 
to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the publick 
good: for I assure myself, that whilst you curefuUy avoid every al- 
teration which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective 
government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience ; 
a reverence for the characteristick rights of freemen, and a regard for 

17* 



194 THE LIFE or 

the publick harmony, will sufl5ciently influence your deliberations on 
the question how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or 
the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.. 

" To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be 
most properly addressed to. the house of representatives. It concerns 
myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first 
honoured with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve 
of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contem- 
plated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary com- 
pensation. From this resolution I have iji no instance departed. And 
being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline, 
as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments which 
may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the execu- 
tive department; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary esti- 
mates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continu- 
ance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures ks the publick good 
may be thought to require. 

" Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been 
awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my 
present leave ; but not without resorting once more to the benign 
Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has 
been pleased to favour the American people with opportunities for 
deliberating, in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with 
unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security 
of their union, and the advancement of their happiness ; so his divine 
blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the tem^ 
perate consultations,, and the wise measures on which the success of 
this government must depend." 

In their answer to this speech^ the senate say :: 

" The uaiajiiraous^ sufl5-age of the elective body in your favour, i» 
peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence, and aifection of the 
citizens of America, and is the highest testimonial at once of yotir 
merit, and their esteem. We are sensible, sir, that nothing but the 
voice of your fellow-citizens could have called you from a retreat, 
chosen with the fondiest predilection, endeared by habit, and conse- 
crated to the repose of declining years. We rejoice, and with us all 
America, that, in obedience to the call of our common country, you 
have returned once more to publick life. In you all parties confide ; 
in you all interests unite ; and we have no doubt that your past ser- 
vices, great as they have been, will be equalled by your future exer- 
tions ; and that your prudence and sagacity as a statesman, will tend 
to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability to 
the present government, and dignity and splendour to that country, 
which your skill and valour as a soldier, so- eminently contributed to 
raise to independence and to empire.?' 

The affection for the person and character of the Presi- 
dent with which the answer of the house of representatiyes 
glowed, promised that between this branch of the legislature 
also and the executive, the most harmonious co-operation 
in the publick service might be expectetf* 



GEOROE WASHINOTOrr. 195 

"The representatives of the people of the United States," says this 
address, " present their congratulations on the event by which your 
fellow-citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You 
have long held the first place in their esteem. You have often re. 
ceived tokens of their affection. You now possess the only proof that 
remained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence for 
your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the 
highest, because the truest honour, of being the first magistrate, by 
the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth. 

" We well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed 
the summons from the repose reserved for your declining years, into 
publick scenes of which you had taken your leave for ever. But 
obedience was due to the occasion. It is already applauded by the 
universal joy which welcomes you to your station. And we cannot 
doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satisfaction with which an 
ardent love for your fellow-citizens must review successful efibrts to 
promote their happiness. 

" This anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience of 
your signal services. It is particularly suggested by the pious im- 
pressions under which you commence your administration ; and the 
enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We feel with 
you the strongest obligations to adore the invisible hand which has 
led the American people through so many difficulties j to cherish a 
conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty ; and to 
seek the only sure means of preserving and recommending the precious 
deposit in a system of legislation founded on tfee principles of an honest 
policy, and directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism, 

" In forming the pecuniary provisions for the executive department^ 
we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it 
a peculiar claim to our regard. Your resolution, in a moment critical 
to the liberties of your country, to renounce all personal emolument,, 
was among the many presages of your patriotick services, which have 
been amply fulfilled ; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law 
then imposed on yourself, cannot fail to demonstraie the purity, whilst 
it increases the lustre of a character which has so many titles to 
admiration. 

" Such are the sentiments with which we have thought fit to address 
you. They flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe that 
among the millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose 
heart will disown them. 

♦• All that remains is, that we join in your fervent supplications for 
the blessing of Heaven on our country ; and that we add our own for 
the choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens." 

The President and Congress then attended on divine 
service. 

In the evening a very ingenious and splendid show of 
fireworks was exhibited. Betwixt the fort and the Bowling 
Green stood conspicuous^ a superb and brilliant transparent 
painting, in the centre of which was the portrait of the 
President, represented under the emblem of Fortitude i on 



196 THE LIFE OP 

his right hand was Justice, representing the Senate of the 
United States, and on his left Wisdom, representing the 
House of Representatives. 

When Washington commenced his administration, the 
condition of the United States was so embarrassed as to ex. 
cite many fears for the success of the new government. 
The treasury was empty. Large debts were due both by the 
old Congress and individuals to foreigners, and also from the 
United States to its own citizens, and from citizens to citi- 
zens. Every effort made by the former government to pay, 
or even to fund its debts, had failed, from the imbecility of 
the federal system. Great discontents prevailed in the 
United States, for the party opposed to the new constitution 
was strong and numerous. Several of these were elected to 
seats in the new Congress. Some were clamorous for a 
new convention, and the most moderate for amendments of 
what had been ratified. Two states. North Carolina and 
Rhode Island, by refusing an acceptance of the constitution, 
were without the pale of its operations. 

Animosities prevailed to a great degree between the Uni- 
ted States and Great Britain. Each charged the other 
with a breach of their late treaty. In support of these char- 
ges, one party urged the severities practised towards the 
loyalists, and that some of the states had interposed legal 
impediments to the recovery of debts due to British subjects. 
The other recriminated by alleging, that the British, on their 
departure from the United States, had carried off with them 
several thousands of negroes belonging to the Americans ;. 
and continued to possess sundry posts within the acknow- 
ledged limits of the United States ^ and that from these posts- 
they encouraged and instigated the neighbouring Indians to 
make war on their north-western frontier settlements. Spain,, 
from the circumstance of their owning the land on each 
side of the mouth of the Mississippi, daimed the exclusive 
navigation of that river; while the western inhabitants of 
the United States looked to their c^ountry for a vindication 
of their common right to the use of this highway of nature. 
The boundaries of the United States towards the territories- 
of Spain in the south, and towards those of Britain in the 
north-east, were both unsettled and in dispute. The whole 
regular effective force of the United States, was less than 
600 men. Their trade was restricted much more than wheu 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 197 

they formed apart of the British empire. They had neither 
money to purchase, nor a naval force to compel the friend, 
ship of the Barbary powers ; and were therefore exposed to 
capture whenever they ventured to trade in the Mediterra- 
nean, the coasts of which offered the best markets for some 
of their valuable commodities. ♦ 

The military strength of the northern Indians who inha- 
bited the country between the Lakes, the Mississippi, and the 
Ohio, was computed at 5,000 men, and of these 1,500 were 
at open war with the United States. The Creeks, in the 
south-west, who could bring 6,000 fighting men into the field, 
were at war with Georgia. 

These were but a part of the embarrassments under which 
the United States laboured when Gen. Washington was 
called to the helm. The redress of most of them required 
legislative interference, as well as executive aid. To point 
out the particular agency of the President in removing these 
embarrassments, and generally meliorating the condition of 
the United States, is peculiarly the province of the biogra- 
pher of Washington. 

Congress having organized the great departments of gov- 
ernment, it became the duty of the President to designate 
proper persons to fill them. In discharging this delicate and 
difficult trust, Washington kept himself free from every en- 
gagement, and uniformly declined giving decisive answers 
to applicants, having previously resolved to nominate per- 
sons to offices with a sole view to the publick good, and to 
bring forward those who, upon every consideration, and 
from the best information he could obtain, were in his judge- 
ment most likely to answer the great end. 

Under these impressions he placed Col. Hamilton at the 
head of the Treasury Department. 

At the head of the Department of Foreign Affairs, he 
placed Mr Jefferson. 

General Knox was continued in the Department of War, 
which he had filled under the old Congress. 

The office of Attorney General was assigned to Mr. Ed- 
mund Randolph. 

These composed the cabinet council of the first President 

The judicial department was filled as follows : 

John Jay, of New York, Chief Justice. 

John Rutledge, of South Carolina, 



198 



THE LIFE or 



James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, 

William Gushing, of Massachusetts, 

Robert Harrison, of Maryland, and 

John Blair, of Virginia, Associate Judges. 

The officers who had been appointed by the individual 
states to manage the revenue, which, under the old system, 
was paid into the state treasury, were reappointed to cor- 
responding offices under the new constitution, by which the 
revenue had been transferred from the local to the general 
treasury of the Union. 

It was among the first cares of Washington to make peace' 
with the Indians. Gen. Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Col. Hum- 
phreys, very soon after the inauguration of the President, 
were deputed by him to treat with th« Creek Indians. These 
met with M'Gillvray, and other chiefs of the nation with 
about 2,000 men, at the Rock Landing, on the frontiers of 
Georgia. The negotiations were soon broken off by M'Gill- 
vray, whose personal interests and connexion with Spain 
were supposed to have been the real cause of their abrupt and 
unsuccessful termination. The next year brought round an 
accomplishment of the President's wishes, which had failed 
in the first attempt. Policy and interest concurred in re- 
commending every prudent measure for detaching the Creek 
Indians firom all connexion with the Spaniards, and cement- 
ing their friendship with the United States. Negotiations 
carried on with them in the vicinity of the Spanish settle- 
ments, promised less than negotiations conducted at the seat 
of government. To induce a disposition favourable to this 
change of place, the President sent Col. Willet, a gallant 
and intelligent officer of the late army, into the Creek coun- 
try, apparently on private business, but with a letter of intro- 
duction to M'Gillvray, and with instructions to take occa- 
sional opportunities to point out the distresses which a war 
with the United States would bring on the Creek nation, and 
the indiscretion of their breaking off the negotiation at the 
Rock Landing ; and to exhort him to repair with the chiefs 
of his nation to New York, in order to effect a solid and last, 
ing peace. Willet performed these duties with so much dex- 
terity, that M'Gillvray, with the chiefs of his nation, were 
induced to come to New York, where fresh negotiations 
commenced, which, on the 7th of August, 1790, terminated 
in the establishment of peace. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 199 

The pacifick overtures made by Washington to the Indians 
of the Wabash and the Miamis, failed of success. Long ex- 
perience had taught the President, that on the failure of ne- 
gotiations with Indians, policy, economy, and even humanity 
required the employment of a sufficient force to carry ofTen- 
sive war into their country, and lay waste their settlements. 
The accomplishment of this was no easy matter. The In- 
dian nations were numerous, accustomed to war, and not 
without discipline. They were said to be furnished with arms 
and ammunition from the British posts held within the United 
States, in violation of the treaty of peace. Generals Har- 
mar and Sinclair were successively defeated by the Indians; 
and four or five years elapsed before they were subdued. 
This was accomplished by Gen. Wayne, in 1794. Soon 
after that event, a peace was concluded, under his auspices, 
between these Indians and the United States. In the pro- 
gress of this last Indian war, repeated overtures of peace 
were made to the North-western Indians, but rejected. 
About the same period a new system was commenced for 
turning them off from hunting to theemployments of civilized 
life, by furnishing them with implements and instructions 
for agriculture and manufactures. 

In this manner, during the Presidency of George Washing- 
ton, peace was restored to the frontier settlements both in 
the north and south-west, which has continued ever since, 
and it is likely to do so, while, at the same time, the pros- 
pect of meliorating the condition of the savages is daily 
brightening; for the system first began by Washington with 
the view of civilizing these fierce sons of nature, has been 
ever since steadily pursued by all his successors. Indian 
wars are now only known from the records or recollection 
of past events ; and it is probable that the day is not far dis- 
tant when the United States will receive a considerable ac- 
cession of citizens from the civilized red men of the forest.* 

♦ This work was first published in 1807. A few years after, the war 
with Great Britain brought with it a renewal of Indian hostilities; which, 
although now nearly, and we trust may soon be permanently, at an end, 
still hnger, with aimoying perversity, upon the borders of Florida. Since 
our author wrote, Louisiana and Florida have been purchased, rescuing 
the Indians within their limits from foreign jurisdiction and influence ; 
and the Indian tide has also been extinguished to about three hundred 
millions of acres of land. We have thus acquired a vast accession of 
territory; but the author's anticipation of "a considerable accession of 
citizens from the civilized red men of the forest," have not yet been 



^00 TliE LIFJE OiP 



CHAP. XII. 

Gen. Washington attends to the foreign relations of the United Stated. 
Negotiates with Spain. Difficulties in the way. The free navigation 
of the Mississippi is granted by a treaty made with Major Pinckney. 
Negotiations with Great Britain. Difficulties in the way. War pro- 
bable. Mr, Jay's mission. JHis treaty with Great Britain. Opposi- 
tion thereto. Is ratified. Washington refuses papers to House of 
Representatives. British posts in United Stated evacuated. Negotia- 
tions with France. Genet's arrival. Assunles illegal powers, in viola- 
tion of the neutrality of the United States. Is flaitered by the people, 
but opposed by the executive, ts recalled. Gen. Pinckney sent as 
publick minister to adjust disputes with Prance, Is not received. 
Washington declines a re-election, and addresses the people. His last 
address to the national legislature. Recommends a navy, a military 
academy, and other publick institutions. 

1794—1796. 

Events which had taken place before the inauguration 
of Washington, embarrassed his negotiations for the adjust- 
ment of the political relations between the United States 
and Spain.* 

realized. The more recent poUcy of colonizing the Indians beyond thg 
limits of the United States, is an experiment which may, or may not, 
disappoint the expectations of those statesmen and philanthropists by 
whom it has been favoured. 

* Our author has not mentioned the second election of Gen. Washington 
to the Presidency, which took place, by the unanimous vote of the elec- 
tors, in 1792. It was his intention to have retired at the end of his first 
term; and this intention was yielded only to the force of circumstances, 
and to the urgent sohcitations of the leading individuals of both parties. 
We say of " both parties," for it was during the first term of Generall 
Washington's administration that the lines of demarkation were com- 
menced that were to divide the great political parties which have ever 
since, under various modifications, agitated this country. Gen. Hamilton, 
then Secretary of the Treasury, was the original organ of one party, and 
Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State, of the other. The principles and 
opinions which were the sources of difference between these distinguished 
individuals and their friends, are not properly subjects for this note. 
These growing differences, however, caused to Gen. Washington much 
anxiety. He was equally the friend of both these zealous and embryd 
leaders, and deprecated and feared the spirit of party, the effects of which 
he apprehended, might be fatal, particularly at that early period in the 
organization of a form of government, then regarded as an experiment, 
but which is now happily a demonstration. To both Hamilton and Jef- 
ferson, he wrote affectionately, urging upon them moderation and forbear-»^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201 

In the year 1779, Mr. Jay had been appointed by the old 
Congress to make a treaty with his Catholick Majesty ; but 
his best endeavours for more than two years were ineffectual. 
in a fit of despondence, while the revolutionary war was 
pressing, he had been authorized to agree " to relinquish, 
and in future forbear to use the navigation of the river Mis- 
sissippi, from the point where it leaves the United States, 
down to the ocean." After the war was ended, a majority 
of Congress had agreed to barter away for twenty-five 
years, their claim to this navigation. A long and intricate 
negotiation between Mr. Gardoqui, the Minister of his Catho* 
lick Majesty, and the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, had taken 
place at New York, in the interval between the establishment 
of peace and of the new constitution of the United States ; 
but was rendered abortive from the inflexible adherence of 
Mr. Gardoqui to the exclusion of the citizens of the United 
States from navigating the Mississippi below their southern 
boundary. This unyielding disposition of Spain, the inabi- 
lity of the United States to assert their claims to the naviga- 

ance, in their publick and private relations, and he endeavoured to promote 
between them, and all with whom he was associated in the government, 
poUtically and personally, unanimity of feeling and action, for the further- 
ance of the great ends he had in view, the happiness and prosperity of his 
country. Although this adviee, amidst the gathering tempest of the 
time, was but partially heeded, he retained the respect and confidence of 
all ; and Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson were first among those who 
urged upon him to yield his consent to a re-election. "The confidence 
of the whole Union," said Jefferson, "is centred in you. Your being at 
the helm will be more than an answer to every argument, which can be 
used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter into violence and seces* 
sion. North and South will hang together, if they have you to hang on ; 
and, if the first corrective of a numerous representation should fail in its 
effect, your presence will give time for trying others not inconsistent with 
the union and peace of the States. I am perfectly aware of the oppres- 
sion under which your present office lays your mind, and of the ardour 
with which you pant for retirement to domestick life. But there is some- 
times an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar 
claims, as to control the predilection of the individual for a particular 
walk of happiness, and restrain him to that alone arising from the present 
and future benedictions of mankind." ***** " One or two sessions 
will determine the crisis; and I cannot but hope, that you can resolve to 
add one or two more to the many years you have already sacrificed to 
the good of mankind." Hamilton urged upon him to consent for similar 
reasons. " It is clear," said he, " that if you continue in office, nothing 
materially mischievous is to be apprehended; if you quit, much is to be 
dreaded. * * * " t trust, and I pray God, that you will determine to 
make a further sacrifice of your tranquillity and happiness to the publick 
good." These and corresponding solicitations, prevailed, and Wasnington 
?ook again the oath of office, on the 4th of March, 1793. 

18 



202 THE LIFE OF 

tion of this river, and especially the facility which the old 
Congress had shown to recede from it for a term of years, 
had soured the minds of the western settlers. Their impa- 
tience transported them so far beyond the bounds of policy, 
that they sometimes dropped hints of separating from the 
Atlantick States, and attaching themselves to the Spaniards. 
In this critical state of things, the President found abundant 
exercise for all his prudence. The western inhabitants were, 
in fact, thwarting his views in their favour, and encourag- 
ing Spain to persist in refusing that free navigation, which 
was so ardently desired both by the President and the people. 
The adherence of Spain to the exclusive use of the lower 
Mississippi, and the impolitick discontents of the western 
inhabitants, were not the only embarrassments of Washing- 
ton, in negotiating with the court of Madrid. 

In 1793, four Frenchmen left Philadelphia, empowered by 
Mr. Genet, the minister of the French Republick, to prepare 
an expedition in Kentucky against New Orleans. Spain, 
then at war with France, was at peace with the United 
States. Washington was officially bound to interpose his 
authority to prevent the raising of an armed force from 
among his fellow-citizens to commit hostilities on a peacea- 
ble neighbouring power. Orders were accordingly given to 
the civil authority in Kentucky, to use all legal means to 
prevent this expedition ; but the execution of these orders 
was so languid, that it became necessary to call in the aid of 
the regular army. Gen. Wayne was ordered to establish a 
military post at Fort Massack on the Ohio, for the purpose 
of forcibly stopping any body of armed men, who, in opposi- 
tion to remonstrances, should persist in going down that 
river. 

Many of the high-spirited Kentuckians were so exaspera- 
ted against the Spaniards, as to be very willing to second 
the views of the French Minister, and under his auspices to 
attack New Orleans. The navigation of the Mississippi was 
so necessary for conveying to proper markets the surplus- 
age of their luxuriant soil, that to gain this privilege, others 
were willing to receive it from the hands of the Spaniards 
at the price of renouncing all political connexion with the 
United States. While these opposite modes of seeking a 
remedy for the same evil were pursuing by persons of dif- 
ferent temperaments, a remonstrance from the inhabitants 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 203 

of Kentucky was presented to Washington and Congress. 
This demanded the use of the Mississippi as a natural right, 
and at the same time charged the government with being 
under the influence of a local policy, which had prevented 
all serious efforts for the acquisition of a right which was 
essential to the prosperity of the western people. It spoke 
the language of an injured people, irritated by the mal-ad- 
ministration of their publick servants ; and hinted the proba- 
bility of a dismemberment of the Union, if their natural rights 
were not vindicated by government. To appease these dis- 
contents ; to restrain the French from making war on the 
Spaniards with a force raised and embodied in the United 
States ; and at the same time, by fair negotiation, to obtain 
the free use of the Mississippi from the court of Madrid, was 
the task assigned to Washington. Difficult and delicate as 
it was, the whole was accomplished. Anterior to the receipt 
of the Kentucky remonstrance, the President, well knowing 
the discontents of the interiour people, and that the publica- 
tion of them would obstruct his views, had directed the 
Secretary of State to give assurances to the Governour of 
Kentucky, that every exertion was making to obtain for 
the western people the free navigation they so much desired. 
The strong arm of government was successfully exerted to 
frustrate the expedition projected by the French Minister 
against New Orleans ; and, while these matters were pending, 
Major Thomas Pinekney was appointed Envoy Extraordin- 
ary to the court of Madrid ; and in the year 1795, he con- 
cluded a treaty with his Catholick Majesty, in which the 
claims of the United States on the subject of boundary, and 
ihe navigation of the Mississippi, were fully conceded. By 
these events, the discontents of the western people were done 
away. Tranquillity was restored between the Atlantick and 
western states ; and all points in controversy between the 
United States and Spain were satisfactorily adjusted. The 
most important of these, the free navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, had been the subject of discussion in the hands of dif- 
ferent negotiators, for almost the whole of the immediately 
preceding fifteen years. 

Great were the difficulties Washington had to encounter 
in amicably settling all matters with Spain ; but much greater 
stood in the way of a peaceable adjustment of various grounds 
of controversy between the United States and Great Britain, 



204 THE LIFE OF 

Each of these two nations charged the other with a breach 
of the treaty of peace, in 1783, and each supported the 
charge against the other, with more soUd arguments than 
either alleged in their own defence. 

The peace terminated the calamities of the war, but was 
far from terminating the resentments which were excited by 
it. Many in the United States believed that Great Britain 
was their natural enemy, and that her views of subjecting 
the United States to her empire, were only for the present 
suspended. Soon after the peace, Mr. John Adams had been 
deputed by the old Congress to negotiate a treaty between 
the United States and Great Britain ; but the latter declined 
to meet this advance of the former. While he urged on the 
court of Great Britain, the necessity they were under by the 
late treaty to evacuate their posts on the south side of the 
lakes of Canada, they retorted that some of the states had, in 
violation of the same treaty, passed laws interposing legal 
impediments to the recovery of debts due to British subjects. 

Washington's love of justice was not weakened by par- 
tiality to his country. In a letter to a member of CongresSy 
he observed — " It was impolitick and unfortunate, if not 
unjust, in those states to pass laws, which, by fair construc- 
tion, might be considered as infractions of the treaty of 
peace. It is good policy at all times, to place one's adversary 
in the wrong. Had we observed good faith, and the wes- 
tern posts had been withheld from us by Great Britain, we 
might have appealed to God and man for justice. 

"What a misfortune is it," said he, in another letter, " that 
the British should have so well grounded a pretext for their 
palpable infractions ; and what a disgraceful part, out of 
the choice of difliculties before us, are we to act !" 

In the first years of Washington's presidency, he took 
informal measures to sound the British cabinet, and to as- 
certain its views respecting the United States. To Mr. 
Gouverneur Morris, who had been carried by private business 
to Europe, this negotiation was intrusted. He conducted 
it with ability ; but found no disposition in the court of 
Great Britain to accede to the wishes of the United States. 
In about two years more, when the stability and energy of 
the government as administered by Washington became a 
matter of publick notoriety, the British, of their own motion, 
sent Mr. Hammond their first minister to the United States. 



6EOSGE WASHINGTON. 205 

This advance induced the President to nominate Mr. Thomas 
Pinckney as Minister Plenipotentiary to the court of Great 
Britain. 

About this time war commenced between France and 
Great Britain. The correct, sound judgment of Washing- 
ton instantly decided that a perfect neutrality was the right, 
the duty, and the interest of the United States, and of this 
he gave publick notice by a proclamation, in April, 1793. 
Subsequent events have proved the wisdom of this measure, 
though it was then reprobated by many. The war between 
the late enemies and friends of the United States, revived 
revolutionary feelings in the breasts of the citizens, and en- 
listed the strongest passions of human nature against the one, 
and in favour of the other. A wish for the success of 
France was almost universal ; and many were willing to 
hazard the peace of their country, by taking an active part 
in the war in her favour. The proclamation was at variance 
with the feelings and the passions of a large portion of the 
citizens. To compel the observance of neutrality under 
these circumstances, was no easy matter. Hitherto Wash- 
ington had the people with him ; but in this case a large 
proportion was on the other side. His resolution was never- 
theless unshaken ; and at the risk of popularity he persisted 
in promoting the real good of his fellow-citizens, in opposi- 
tion to their own mistaken wishes and views. 

The tide of popular opinion ran as strongly against Bri- 
tain as in favour of France. The former was accused of 
instigating the Indians to acts of hostility against the United 
States ; of impressing their sailors ; of illegally capturing 
their ships ; and of stirring up the Algerines against them. 
The whole of this hostility was referred to a jealousy of the 
growing importance of the United States. Motions were 
made in Congress for sequestering debts due to British sub- 
jects; for entering into commercial hostility with Great 
Britain, and even for interdicting all intercourse with her, till 
she pursued other measures with respect to the United States. 
Every appearance portended immediate war between the two 
countries. The passionate admirers of France wished for 
it ; while others, more attached to British systems, dreaded 
a war with Great Britain, as being likely to throw the 
United States into the arms of France. In this state of 
things, when war seemed inevitable, the President composed 
18* 



206 THE LIFE OF 

the troubled scene by nominating John Jay, in April, 1794, 
Envoy Extraordinary to the court of London. By this 
measure a truce was obtained, and that finally ended in an 
adjustment of the point in controversy between the two 
countries. The exercise of tlie constitutional right of the 
President to negotiate, virtually suspended all hostile legis- 
lative measures ; for these could not with delicacy or propri- 
ety be urged, while the executive was in the act of treating 
for an amicable adjustment of difterences. 

A treaty between the United States and Great Britain 
was the result of this mission. This was pronounced by 
Mr. Jay, "to be the best that was attainable, and which he 
believed it for the interest of the United States to accept." 
While the treaty was before the Senate for consideration, 
a member, contrary to the rules of that body, furnished an 
editor of a newspaper with a copy of it. This being pub- 
lished, operated like a spark of fire applied to combustible 
materials. The angry passions which for some short time 
had been smothered, broke out atresh. Some went so far 
as to pronounce the treaty a surrender of their power to their 
late enemy. Great Britain, and a dereliction of their tried 
friend and ally, France. The more moderate said, that too 
much was given, and too little received. Meetings of the 
people were held at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Balti- 
more, Charleston, and several other places, in which the 
treaty was pronounced to be unworthy of acceptance, and 
petitions were agreed upon and forwarded to the President, 
urging him to retuse his signature to the obnoxious instru- 
ment. 

These agitations furnished matter for serious reflection 
to the President, but they did not affect his conduct, though 
they induced a reiterated examination of the subject. In a 
private letter to a friend, after reciting the importance of 
the crisis, he added — " There is but one straight course, and 
that is to seek truth and to pursue it steadily." It is prob- 
able that he had early made up his mind to ratify the treaty 
as better than none, and infinitely better than war ; but 
regretted that it was so generally disliked, and considered 
by many as made with a design to oppress the French 
Republick. Under the weight of his high responsibility, he 
consoled himself, " that in time when passion shall have 
yielded to reason, the current may possibly turn." Peace 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 207 

with all the world was his policy, where it could be preserved 
with honour.* War he considered as an evil of such mag- 
nitude as never to be entered upon without the most impe- 
rious necessity. The mission of Mr. Jay was his last effort 
for the preservation of peace with Great Britain. The re- 
jection of the treaty which resulted from this mission, he 
considered as the harbinger of war ; for negotiation havino" 
failed to redress grievances, no alternative but war was left. 
By this prudent conduct, the rising states were preserved in 
peace, but the bickerings of the citizens among themselves, 
and their animosities against Great Britain, still continued. 
The popularity of the President for the present was dimi- 
nished ; but on this he had counted. In a letter to Gen. 
Knox, he observes — " Next to a conscientious discharge of 
my publick duties, to carry along with me the approbation 
of my constituents, would be the highest gratification of 
which my mind is susceptible. But the latter being se- 
condary, I cannot make the former yield to it, unless some 
criterion more infalUble than partial, (if they are not party,) 
meetings, can be discovered as the touchstone of publick 
sentiment. If any person on earth could, or the Great 
Power above would erect the standard of infallibility in po- 
litical opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe, 
would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long 
as I remain a servant of the publick. But as I have hith- 
erto found no better guide than upright intentions, and close 

* Although a brave and successful warriour, Washington was ever a 
friend of peace, and the decided advocate for an amicable policy among 
all nations. In a letter to the Marquis de Chastellux, dated Sept. 5th, 
1785, he says : " It gives me great pleasure to find, by my last letters 
from France, that the dark clouds which overspread your hemisphere, 
are yielding to the sunshine of peace. My first wish is to see the bless- 
ings of it diffused through all countries, and among all ranks m every 
country, and that we should consider ourselves as the children of a com- 
mon parent, and be disposed to acts of brotherly kindness toward one 
another ; in that case, restriction of trade would vanish. We should take 
your wines, your fruit, and surplusage of such articles as our necessities 
or convenience might require, and in return give you our fish, our oil, our 
tobacco, our naval stores, &c. ; and in like manner should exchange 
produce with other countries, to the reciprocal advantage of each: and 
as the globe is large, why need we wrangle for a small spot of it? If 
one country cannot contain us, another should open its anns to us. But 
these halcyon days (if they ever did exist) are now no more. A wise 
Providence, 1 presume, has decreed it otherwise; and we shall be obliged 
to go on in the old way, disputing, and now and then fighting, until the 
great globe itself dissolves." 



308 THB LIFK OF 

investigation, I shall adhere to them while I keep the 
watch." 

After the treaty was duly ratified, an attempt was made 
to render it a dead letter, by refusing the appropriations of 
money necessary to carry it into effect. Preparatory to 
this, a motion was made for the adoption of a resolution to 
request the President to lay before the House of Represen. 
tatives a copy of his instructions to Mr. Jay, together with 
the correspondence and other documents relative to the 
treaty with Great Britain. This involved a new question, 
where the treaty making power was constitutionally lodged 1 
The debate was animated and vehement. Appeals were 
made both to reason and passion. After a discussion of 
more than twenty days, the motion was carried in the affir- 
mative by a majority of twenty.five votes. When the re- 
solution was presented to the President, he replied — "That 
he would take time to consider it." His situation was 
peculiarly delicate ; the passions of the people were strongly 
excited against the treaty ; the popularity of the demand 
being solely for information ; the large majority by which 
the vote was carried ; the suspicions that would probably 
attach in case of refusal, that circumstances had occurred 
in the course of the negotiation which the President was 
afraid to publish, added to other weighty considerations, 
would have induced minds of an ordinary texture, to yield 
to the request. With Washington, popularity was only a 
secondary object. To follow the path of duty and the 
publick good was a primary one. He had sworn to " pre- 
serve, protect, and defend the constitution." In his opinion 
the treaty.making power was exclusively given by the people 
in convention to the executive, and that the publick good 
required that it should be so exercised. Under the influence 
of these solemn obligations, he returned the following answer 
to the resolution which had been presented to him : — 

" Gentlemen of the Home of Representativea, 

•• With the utmost attention I have considered your resolution of 
the 24th inst. requesting me to lay before your house a copy of the 
instructions to the minister of the United States, who negotiated the 
treaty with the king of Great Britain, together with the correspond, 
ence and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of 
the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be 
disclosed, 

" In deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible for me to lose 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 209 

sight of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to 
avoid extending my views to the consequences which must flow from 
the admission of that principle. 

" I trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition 
to witlihokl any information w4iich the constitution has enjoined it 
upon the President as a duty to give, or which could be required of 
him by either house of Congress as a right; and with truth I affirm, 
that it has been, as it will continue to be, while I have the honour to 
preside in the government, my constant endeavour to harmonize with 
the other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to me by the 
people of the United States, and my sense of the obligation it imposes, 
' to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution,' will permit. 

" The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their 
success must often depend on secrecy ; and even when brought to a 
conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual 
concessions, which may have been proposed or contemplated, would 
be extremely impolitick ; for this might have a pernicious influence 
on future negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps 
danger and mischief, to other persons. The necessity of such cau- 
tion and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the pow^er of 
making treaties in the President, with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to 
a small number of members. 

" To admit then a right in the House of Representatives to demand, 
and to have as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotia- 
tion with a foreign power, would be to establish a dangerous prece- 
dent. 

" It does not occur that the inspection of the papers asked for, can 
be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the House of Re- 
presentatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution 
has not expressed. I repeat that I have no disposition to withhold 
any information wliich the duty of my station will permit, or the pub- 
lick good shall require, to be disclosed ; and in fact all the papers af- 
fecting the negotiation with Great Britain were laid before the Senate 
when the treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and 
advice. 

" The course which the debate has taken on the resolution of the 
house, leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties un- 
der the constitution of the United States. 

" Having been a member of the general convention, and knowing 
the principles on which the constitution was formed, I have ever en- 
tertained but one opinion upon this subject ; and from the first estab- 
lishment of the government to this moment, xnj conduct has exem. 
plified that opinion — That the power of making treaties is exclusively 
vested in the President, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and that 
every treaty so made and promulgated, thenceforward becomes the 
law of the land. It is thus that the treaty-making power has been 
understood by foreign nations ; and in all the treaties made with them 
we have declared, and they have believed, that when ratified by the 
President with the advice and consent of the Senate, they become 
obligatory. In this construction of the constitution, every House of 



210 THE LIFE OP 

Representatives has heretofore acquiesced, and, until the present time, 
not a doubt or suspicion has appeared to my knowledge that this con. 
struction was not the true one. Nay, they have more than acquiesced ; 
for until now, without controverting the obligation of such treaties, 
they have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them into 
effect. 

" There is also reason to believe that this construction agrees with 
the opinions entertained by the state conventions, when they were 
deliberating on the constitution, especially by 'those who objected to 
it ; because there was not required in commercial treaties the consent 
of two thirds of the whole number of the members of the Senate, in- 
stead of two thirds of the Senators present ; and because in treaties 
respecting territorial and certain other rights and claims, the concur- 
rence of three fourths of the whole number of the members of both 
houses respectively was not made necessary. 

" It is a fact declared by the general convention, and universally 
understood, that the constitution of the United States was the result 
of a spirit of amity and mutual concession ; and it is well known that 
under this influence, the smaller states were admitted to an equal re- 
presentation in the Senate with the larger states, and that this branch 
of the government was invested with great powers ; for on the equal 
participation of those powers, the sovereignty and political safety of 
the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. 

" If other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the constitution 
itself, be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they 
may be found in the journals of the general convention, which I have 
deposited in the office of the department of state. In these journals 
it will appear that a proposition was made ' that no treaty should be 
binding on the United States which was not ratified by a law ;' and 
that the proposition was explicitly rejected. 

" As therefore it is perfectly clear to my understanding, that the 
assent of the House of Representatives is not necessary to the validity 
of a treaty ; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits in itself all the 
objects requiring legislative provision, and on these the papers called 
for can throw no light ; and as it is essential to the due administration 
of the government, that the boundaries fixed by the constitution be- 
tween the different departments should be preserved — a just regard to 
the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circum- 
stances of this case, forbid a eompliance with your request." 

Though the call for papers was unsuccessful, the favourers 
of the resolution for that purpose opposed the appropriations 
necessary to carry the treaty into effect ; but, from the firm- 
ness of the President, the ground was altered. The treaty 
was ratified, and proclaimed to the publick as constitution- 
ally obligatory on the citizens. To refuse appropriations 
for carrying it into effect, would not only incur the high 
responsibility of breaking the publick faith, but make a 
schism in the government between the executive and legisla. 
tive departments* After long and vehement debates, in 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 211 

which argument and passion were both resorted to, with 
the view of exposing the merits and demerits of the treaty, 
the resolutions for bringing in the laws necessary to carry 
it into effect, was carried by a majority of three. Though 
in this discussion Washington had no direct agency, yet 
the final result in favour of the treaty was the consequence 
of the measures he had previously adopted. For having rati- 
fied the treaty and published it to the world as the law of the 
land, and having in his answer to the request of the House 
of Representatives, proved that he had a constitutional right 
so to do, the laws necessary for giving effect to the treaty, 
could not be withheld without hazarding the most serious 
consequences. 

The treaty which was thus carried into operation, pro- 
duced more good and less evil than was apprehended. It 
compromised ancient differences, produced amicable dispo- 
sitions, and a friendly intercourse. It brought round a 
peaceable surrender of the British posts, and compensation 
for American vessels illegally captured. Though it gave 
up some favourite principles, and some of its articles relative 
to commerce were deemed unequal, yet from Britain, as a 
great naval power holding valuable colonies and foreign 
possessions, nothing better, either with or without the treaty, 
could have been obtained. 

After the lapse of ten years has cooled the minds both of 
the friends and enemies of the treaty, most men will ac- 
knowledge that the measures adopted by Washington with 
respect to it were founded in wisdom ; proceeded from the 
purest patriotism ; were carried through with uncommon 
firmness ; and finally eventuated in advancing the interests 
of his country.* 

Thorny and difficult as was the line of policy proper to 
be pursued by Washington with respect to Britain, it was 
much more so in regard to France. The revolution in 
France, and the establishment of the constitution of \he Uni- 

* Later experience confirms the correctness of these views. This treaty, 
and the previous proclamation of neutrality, indicated to the world the 
pacifiick policy of the United States. Under subsequent administrations, 
that policy has been adhered to, and foibearance towards foreign powers 
has been exercised, in all cases, except where forbearance was no longer 
a virtue. Urged beyond this point of endurance, the late war with Great 
Britain, served as an admonition to the world, that the American people 
were as ready and able to vindicate their rights, as they were to cherish 
peace with all, and to do justice to all nations. 



212 THE LIFE OF 

ted States, were nearly cotemporary events. Till about the 
year 1793, perfect harmony subsisted between the two 
countries; but from the commencement of the war between 
France and England, the greatest address was requisite to 
prevent the United States from being involved in war with 
one or the other, and sometimes with both. Good will to 
France, and hatred to Britain, which had prevailed more or 
less from the peace of 1783, revived with a great increase 
offeree on the breaking out of war between the two coun- 
tries. These dispositions were greatly increased by the 
arrival of Mr. Genet, the first Minister Plenipotentiary from 
the republick of France to the United States. He landed 
April 8th, 1793, at Charleston, S. C. the contiguity of which 
to the West Indies, fitted it to be a convenient resort for 
privateers. By the Governour of the state, Wm. Moultrie, 
and the citizens, he was received with ardour approaching to 
enthusiasm. During his stay, which was for several days, 
he received unequivocal proofs of the warmest attachment 
to his person, his country, and its cause. Encouraged by 
these evidences of the good wishes of the people for the success 
of the French revolution, he undertook to authorize the fitting 
and arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men, and giving 
commissions to vessels to cruise and commit hostilities on 
nations with whom the United States were at peace. The 
captures made by these cruisers were to be tried, condemned, 
and sold, under the authority of Genet, who had not yet been 
recognized as a publick Minister by the government. 

Similar marks of enthusiastick attachment were lavished 
on Genet as he passed through the country between Charles- 
ton and Philadelphia. At Gray's ferry, over the Schuylkill, 
he was met by crowds who flocked to do honour to the first 
ambassador of a republican allied nation. On the day after 
his arrival in Philadelphia, he received addresses from 
societies and the inhabitants, who expressed their gratitude 
for the aids furnished by the French nation to the United 
States in their late struggle for liberty and independence, 
and unbounded exultation at the success of the French arms. 
Genet's answers to these addresses were well calculated to 
preserve the idea of a complete fraternity between the two 
nations, and that their interests were the same. 

After Genet had been thus accredited by the citizens of 
Philadelphia, he was presented to the President, and received 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 213 

with expressions of a sincere and cordial regard for his 
nation, fn the conversation which took place on the occa- 
sion, Mr. Genet <Tave the most explicit assurances that France 
did not wish to engage the United States in war between 
his country and Great Britain. 

While Mr. Genet was receiving these flattering marks 
of attention from the people, the British minister preferred 
a long catalogue of complaints against his proceedings at 
Charleston. This was founded on the acts already mention- 
ed, which were calculated to make the United States instru- 
ments of hostility in the hands of France, against those with 
whom she was at war. These were farther aggravated by 
actual hostilities in the territories of the United States. 
The ship Grange, a British vessel, was captured by the 
French frigate L'Ambuscade, within the Capes of the Dela- 
ware, while on her way from Philadelphia to the ocean. 
Of this ship, and of other illegal prizes which were in the 
power of the American government, the British minister 
demanded restitution. 

The cabinet council of Washington was unanimous that 
every independent nation was exclusively sovereign in its 
own territories, and that the proceedings complained of were 
unwarranted usurpations of sovereignity, and violations of 
neutrality ; and therefore must in future be prevented. It 
was also agreed that the efficacy of the laws should be tried 
against those citizens of the United States who had joined 
in the offences complained of. The restitution of the 
Grange was also agreed to ; but on the propriety of enfor- 
cing the restitution of prizes made on the high seas, there 
was a diversity of sentiment, the Secretaries of the Treasury 
and of War being for it, and the Secretary of State and the 
Attorney General against it. The principles on which a 
concurrence of sentiment had taken place being considered 
as settled, the Secretary of State was desired to communicate 
them to the Ministers of France and of Britain ; and circu- 
lar letters were written to the Governours of the several states, 
requiring them to co-operate with force, if necessary, to ex- 
ecute the rules which had been agreed upon. 

Mr. Genet was highly dissatisfied with these determina- 
tions, and considered them as subversive of the treaty 
between the United States and France. His representations 
induced a reconsideration of the subject ; but on the most 

19 



214 THE LIFE OP 

dispassionate review of it, no reason appeared for an altera- 
tion of any part of the system. The minister of France 
was further informed, that in the opinion of the President, 
the vessels which had been illegally equipped, should depart 
from the ports of the United States. 

Mr. Genet, adhering to his own construction of the treaty 
between France and the United States, would not acquiesce 
in those decisions of the government. Intoxicated with the 
flattering attentions he had received, and ignoraut of the 
firmness of the executive, he seems to have expected that 
the popularity of his nation and its cause, would enable him 
to undermine the executive, or render it subservient to his 
views. 

About this time, two citizens of the United States, who 
had been engaged in Charleston by Mr. Genet, to cruise in 
the service of France, were arrested by the civil authority 
in pursuance of the determination formed by government to 
prosecute persons who had offended against the laws. Mr. 
Genet demanded their release as French citizens, in the 
most extraordinary terms. This was refused ; but on trial 
they were acquitted by the verdict of a jury. 

The Minister of the French republick was encouraged to 
this line of opposition, by a belief that the sentiments of the 
people were in his favour. So extravagant was their enthu- 
siastick devotedness to France ; so acrimonious were their 
expressions against all the powers at war with the new 
republick, that a person less sanguine than Mr. Genet might 
have cherished the hope of being able to succeed so far with 
the people, as, with their support, ultimately to triumph over 
the opposition he experienced. At civic festivals, the en- 
signs of France were displayed in union with those of 
America ; at these the cap of liberty passed from head to 
head, and toasts were given expressive of the fraternity of 
the two nations. The proclamation of neutrality was 
treated as a royal edict, which demonstrated the disposition 
of the government to break its connexions with France, and 
dissolve the friendship which united the people of the two 
republicks. The scenes of the revolutionary war were 
brought into view ; the effects of British hostility against 
the United States, and of French aids both in men and 
money in their favour, were painted in glowing colours. 
The enmity of Britain to the United States was represented 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 215 

as continuing undiminished ; and in proof of it their deten- 
tion of the western posts, and their exciting from these 
stations the neighbouring Indians to make war on the fron- 
tier settlers, were urged with great vehemence, and contras- 
ted with the amicable dispositions professed by the French 
repubiick. It was indignantly asked, should a friend and 
an enemy be treated with equal favour ? By declarations 
of this kind daily issuing from the press, the publick mind 
was so inflamed against the executive, that Genet, calcula- 
ting on the partialities of the people, openl)'- insulted the 
government ; and adhering to his own construction of the 
treaty, that he had a right to do as he had done, threatened 
to appeal to the sovereign people against their President. 

To preserve neutrality in such a crisis, was no easy mat- 
ter. Washington, adhering to the principles avowed in his 
late proclamation, and embodied in the declaration of inde- 
pendence, " that the United States would hold all mankind 
enemies in war and friends in peace," exerted all his author- 
ity and influence to keep the balance even between the 
belligerents.* 

It was at length resolved by Washington to instruct Mr. 
Morris, the Minister of the United States at Paris, to request 
the recall of Mr. Genet ; and that Mr. Morris should be 
furnished with all the necessary documents to evince the 
propriety of the request. What was asked was granted ; 
and Mr. Genet's conduct was disapproved by his govern- 
ment. Mr. Fauchet was appointed his successor, who was 
succeeded by Mr. Adet. The latter brought with him the 
colours of France, which he was directed to present to the 
United States. To answer the animated speech of Mr. Adet 
on his presenting the colours, required address — The occa- 
sion required something affectionate and complimentary to 
the French nation ; and yet the guarded policy of Washing- 
ton forbade the utterance of any sentiments which might 
be improper in the chief magistrate of a neutral country, 
when addressing the representative of one of the befligerent 

* If Washington and Horace had been cotemporaries, the world would 
have supposed that the latter had the former in his eye, when he penned 
his famous ode — 

" Justum et tenacem propositi virum 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
Non vultus instantis tyranni 
Mente quatit solida ." 



216 THE LIFE or 

powers. Impressed with this double view, the President 
made the followinfir reply : 

*' Born, sir, in a land of liberty ; having early learned its value ; 
having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, 
devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establish- 
ment in my own country ; my anxious recollections ; my sympathetick 
feelings ; and my best wishes, are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, 
in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of free- 
dom. But above all, the events of the French revolution have pro- 
duced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. To 
call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. Won- 
derful people 1 ages to come will read with astonishment the history 
of your brilliant exploits. I rejoice that the period of your toils and 
of your immense sacrifices is approaching. I rejoice that the inter- 
esting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the 
formation of a constitution designed to give permanency to the great 
object for which you have contended. I rejoice that liberty, which 
you have so long embraced with enthusiasm ; liberty, of which you 
have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom 
of a regularly organized government ; a government, which, being 
formed to secure the happiness of the French people, corresponds with 
the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every 
citizen of the United States by its resemblance to their own. On 
these glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations. 

" In delivering to you these sentiments, I express not my own feel- 
ings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in relation to the com- 
mencement, the progress, and the issue, of the French revolution : 
and tliey will certainly join with me in purest wishes to the Supreme 
Being, that the citizens of our sister Republick, our magnanimous 
allies, may soon enjoy in peace that liberty which they have purchased 
at so great a price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestow. 

" I receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs 
and of the enfranchisements of your nation, the Colours of France, 
which you have now presented to the United States. The transaction 
will be announced to Congress, and the colours will be deposited with 
the archives of the United States, which are at once the evidence and 
the memorials of their freedom and independence. May these be 
perpetual I and may the friendship of the two republicks be commen- 
surate with their existence !" 

The successors of Genet continued to tread in his steps, 
but with less violence. They made frequent complaints of 
particular cases of hardship which grew out of the war, and 
out of the rules which had. been established by the executive 
with regard to ships of war, cruisers and their prizes. They 
complained particularly that in the treaty with Great Britain, 
the principle of " free ships making free goods," was given 
up ; and urged the injustice, while French cruisers were 
restrained by treaty from taking English goods out of Ame- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 217 

rican bottoms, that English cruisers should be liberated from 
the same restraint, in vain did the executive show a will- 
ingness to release France from the pressure of a situation in 
which she had voluntarily placed herself. Private explana- 
tions were made, that neither the late treaty made with 
Britain, nor the arrangements growing out of it, furnished 
any real cause of complaint to France. With the same 
conciliatory view, Washington appointed Gen. Pinckney 
Minister Plenipotentiary to the French republick, " to main- 
tain that good understanding, which, from the commence- 
ment of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations, 
and to efface unfavourable impressions, banish suspicion, 
and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence 
and pledge of a friendly union." The Directory having 
inspected his letter of credence, announced their haughty 
determination, "not to receive another Minister from the 
United States, until after a redress of grievances demanded 
of the American government, which the French republick 
had a right to expect from it." This was followed by a 
written mandate to Gen. Pinckney, to quit the territories of 
the republick. To complete the system of hostility, Ameri- 
can vessels, wherever found, were captured by French 
cruisers. 

From this mission Washington expected an adjustment 
of all points in dispute between France and the United 
States. In his opinion, the failure of it was owing to a 
belief that the American people were in unison with France, 
and in opposition to their own government ; and that high- 
toned measures on the part of France, would induce a 
change of rulers in the United States. Before the result of 
the mission was known, Washington had at his own request 
ceased to be President. Having made peace with the In- 
dians, and adjusted all matters in dispute with both Spain 
and Britain, and hoping that an accommodation would 
soon take place with France, after eight years service in 
the high office of President, at the commencement of which 
period he found the United States in a miserable state of 
depression, and at its conclusion, left them advancing with 
gigantick steps in agriculture, commerce, wealth, credit, and 
reputation, and being in the sixty-sixth year of his age ; 
he announced his intention of declining a re-election, in 
full time for the people to make up their mind in the choice 

19* 



218 THE LIFE OF 

of his successor. This was done in an address to the 
people of the United States in the following words :* 

" Friends and Fellow-citizens, 

" The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the exe- 
cutive government of the United States being not far distant, and 
the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in 
designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, 
it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more dis- 
tinct expression of the publick voice, that I should now apprize you 
of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among 
the number of those out of whom the choice is to be made. 

" I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured 
that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all 
the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful 
citizen to his country ; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, 
which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no 
diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful 
respect for your past kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction 
that the step is compatible with both. 

"The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to 
which your suffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform 
sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for 
what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would 
have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which 
1 was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from 
which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination 
to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation 
of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then 
perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and 
the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled 
me to abandon the idea. 

*' I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as inter- 
nal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the 
sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded whatever partiality 
may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of 
our country, you will not disapprove of my determination to retire. 

*' The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, 
were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust 
1 will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards 
the organization and administration of the government, the best 
exertions of which a very fallible judgement was capable. Not un- 
conscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experi- 
ence in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has 
strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the 
increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the 
shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Sat- 
isfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my 

* Published in September, previous to the expiration of his term of 
office; and since famiharly known by the title of " Washington's Fare- 
well Address." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 219 

services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that 
while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patri- 
otism does not forbid it. 

" In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the career 
of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep 
acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved 
country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me ; still more 
for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me ; and for 
the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable 
attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness 
unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from 
these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an 
instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which 
the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead — amidst 
appearances sometimes dubious — vicissitudes of fortune often discour- 
aging — in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has 
countenanced the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support 
was the essential prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the plans by 
which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I 
shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing 
wishes, that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its benefi- 
cence — that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual — that 
the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacred- 
ly maintained — that its administration in every department may be 
stamped with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the happiness of the 
people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made com- 
plete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, 
as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, 
the affection, and the adoption, of every nation which is yet a stranger 
to it. 

" Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, 
which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger 
natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to 
offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent 
review, some sentiments, which arc the result of much reflection, of 
no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important 
to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to 
you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinte- 
rested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal 
motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourgement to 
it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dis- 
similar occasion. 

" Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your 
hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm 
the attachment. 

" The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also 
now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice 
of your real independence ; the support of your tranquility at home ; 
your peace abroad ; of your safety, of your prosperity ; of that very 
liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is eUsy to foresee, that 
from different causes and from different quarters, much pains \\'ill be 



220 THE LtFE OF 

taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the convic- 
tion of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against 
which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most con- 
stantly and actively, (though often covertly and insidiously,) directed, 
it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense 
value of your national union, to your collective and individual happi- 
ness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable at. 
tachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of 
the palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its 
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may 
suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and 
indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alien- 
ate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which now link together the various parts. 

" For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citi- 
zens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right 
to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which be, 
longs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just 
pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local dis- 
criminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same 
religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a 
common cause fought and triumphed together ; tlie independence and 
liberty you possess, are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts — 
of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. 

" But these considerations, however powerful they address themselves 
to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more 
immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds 
the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving 
the union of the whole. 

" The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protect, 
ed by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the produc- 
tions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commer- 
cial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. 
The South in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the 
North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning' 
partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its par- 
ticular navigation invigorated — and while it contributes, in different 
ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national naviga- 
tion, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which 
itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the 
West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interiour 
communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valu. 
able vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manu- 
factures at home. The West derives from the East supplies rcqui-. 
site to its growth and comfort — and what is perhaps of still greater 
consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indis- 
pensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and 
the future maritime strength of the Atlantick side of the Union, direct- 
ed by an indisi5oluble community of interest as one nation. Any other 
tenure by which th« West can hold this essential advantage, whether 
derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and un- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 221 

natural connexion with any foreign poyver, must be intrinsically 
precarious. 

" While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and 
particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find 
in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater re- 
source, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less fre- 
quent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and, what is of in- 
estimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those 
broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neigh- 
bouring countries, not tied together by the same government ; which 
their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce ; but which 
opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate 
and embitter. Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those 
overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of govern, 
ment, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as par- 
ticularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your 
union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that 
the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the 
other. 

" These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflect- 
ing and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union 
as a primary object of patriotick desire. Is there a doubt whether a 
common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience 
solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. 
We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, 
with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivi- 
sions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth 
a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives 
to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall 
not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason 
to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavour 
to weaken its bands. 

" In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it 
occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have 
been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discrimina- 
tions — Northern and Southern — Atlantick and Western : whence de- 
signing men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real 
difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party 
to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the 
opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves 
too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from 
these misrepresentations : they tend to render alien to each other, those 
who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants 
of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. 
They have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the 
unanimous ratification by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in 
the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, 
a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among 
them of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantick 
states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They 
have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great 



222 THE LIFE OF 

Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they 
could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming 
their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preserva- 
tion of these advantages on the union by which they were procured ? 
Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, 
who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with 
aliens ? 

" To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for 
the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the 
parts can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience 
the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have 
experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved 
upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, 
better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the 
efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, 
the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed ; adopted 
upon full investigation and mature deliberation ; completely free in 
its principles ; in the distribution of its powers uniting security with 
energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendments, 
has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its 
authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, 
are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. 
The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to 
make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the con- 
stitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and 
authentick act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. 
The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish 
a government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the 
established government. 

" All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations 
and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real 
design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberations 
and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fun. 
damental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize 
faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the 
place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a 
small, but artful and enterprising minority of the community ; and 
according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the 
publick administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous 
projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome 
plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. 

" However combinations or associations of the above description 
may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course 
of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, am- 
bitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power 
of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; 
destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to 
unjust dominion. 

" Towards the preservation of your government, and the perma- 
nency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you 
fiteadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged au- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223 

thority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon 
its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault 
may be to effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which 
will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what 
cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may 
be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to 
fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions — 
that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real ten- 
dency of the existing constitution of a country — that facility in 
changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to 
perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; 
and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your 
common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of 
as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is 
indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with 
powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, 
indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to 
withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the 
society, within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all 
in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and 
property. 

" I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, 
with particular references to the founding of them on geographical 
discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and 
warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of 
the spirit of party generally. 

" This spirit unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having 
its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under 
different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or 
repressed ; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest 
rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 

"The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened 
by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different 
ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself 
a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and 
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gra- 
dually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the 
absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some 
prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, 
turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the 
ruins of publick liberty. 

" Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which 
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and 
continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, are sufficient to make it the 
interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 

" It serves always to distract the publick councils, and enfeeble the 
publick administration. I agitates the community with ill-founded 
jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against 
another; foments occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door 
to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to 
the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus 



224 THE LIFE OF 

the policy and the will of one country, are subjected to the policy and 
will of another. 

" There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks 
upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive 
the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; 
and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with 
indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those 
of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit 
not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there 
will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And 
there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force 
of publick opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be 
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into 
a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 

" It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free 
country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administra- 
tion, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional 
spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to 
encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consoli. 
date the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, 
whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate 
of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominate 
in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this posi- 
tion. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political 
power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and 
constituting each the guardian of the publick weal against invasions 
of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; 
some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve 
them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion 
of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional 
powers, be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amend, 
raent in the way which the constitution designates. But let there be 
no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be 
the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free 
governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly over- 
balance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the 
use can at any time yield. 

" Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros- 
perity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain 
would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to 
subvert these great pillars of human happiness — these firmest props 
of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with 
the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could 
not trace all their connexions with private and publick felicity. Let 
it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, 
for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are 
the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with 
caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained 
without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of 
refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience 
both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclu- 
sion of religious principles. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 2*25 

" It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring 
of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less 
force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere 
friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the 
foundation of the fabrick ? 

" Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions 
for the general diifusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure 
of a government gives force to publick opinion, it is essential that 
publick opinion should be enlightened. 

" As a very important source of strength and security, cherish pub- 
lick credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as 
possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivatmg peace ; but re. 
membering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, fre- 
quently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding like- 
wise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of ex- 
pense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace, to discharge the 
debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerous- 
ly throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to 
bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives ; 
but it is necessary that publick opinion should co-operate. To fa- 
cilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you 
should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts 
there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; 
that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient 
and unpleasant ; that the intrinsick embarrassment inseparable from 
the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of dif- 
ficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of 
the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of ac- 
quiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the publick 
exigencies may at any time dictate. 

"Observe good faith and justice towards all nations: cultivate peace 
and harmony with all : religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; 
and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It Avill be 
worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, 
to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a peo- 
ple always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. — Who can 
doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan 
would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by 
a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected 
the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at 
Jeast, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human na- 
ture. Alas i is it rendered impossible by its vices ? 

*' In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than 
that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and 
passionate attachments for others, should be excluded ; and that in 
place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be culti- 
vated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, 
or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its 
animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it 
atstray from its duty and its interest. — Antipathy in one nation against 
another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay 
20 



226 THE LIFE OP 

liold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, 
when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. 

" Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody con- 
tests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes 
impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of 
policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national pro- 
pensity, and adopts through passion, what reason would reject ; at other 
times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of 
hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and perni- 
cious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of 
nations, has been the victim. 

" So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another, 
produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facili- 
tating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where 
no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of 
the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and 
ware of the latter, without adequate inducements or justification. _ It 
leads also to concessions to the favourite nation, of privileges denied 
to others, which are apt doubly to injure the nation making the con- 
cessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been 
retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to ratal- 
iate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld ; and 
it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote 
themselves to the favourite nation,) facility to betray, or sacrifice the 
interest of their own country, without odium, sometimes even ^yith 
popularity ; gliding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obliga- 
tion a commendable deference for publick opinion, or a laudable zeal 
for publick good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corrup- 
tion, or infatuation. 

•* As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attach- 
ments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independ- 
ent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with 
domestick factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead publick 
opinion, to influence or awe the publick councils ! Such an attachment 
of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the 
former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of 
fjreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the 
jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake ; since history 
and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful 
foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must 
bs impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very hifluence to 
be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for 
one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom 
they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even 
second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may 
resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and 
odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence 
of the people, to surrender their interests. 

" The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, 
in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little 
political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 227 

engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let 
us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, oi a very 
remote, relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controver- 
sies, the cause of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. 
Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by 
artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politicks, or the ordi. 
nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 

" Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pur- 
sue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient 
government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material in. 
jury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude 
as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be 
scrupulously respected : when belligerant nations, under the impossi- 
bility of making acquisitions upon us, will not likely hazard the giving 
us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, 
g-uided by justice, shall counsel. 

" Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit 
iQur own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our 
destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and pros- 
perity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, 
■or caprice ? 

" It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with 
any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at 
liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing 
infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applica- 
ble to publick than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best 
policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in 
their genuine sense, But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would 
be unwise, to extend them. 

" Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, 
on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary 
alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 

" Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom- 
mended by poHcy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial 
policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor 
granting exclusive favours or preferences ; consulting the natural 
course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means, the 
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers 
so disposed, — in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights 
of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, — 
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances 
and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from 
time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances 
shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation 
to look for disinterested favours from another ; that it must pay with 
a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that 
character ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condi. 
tion of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being 
reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no 
greater errour than to expect or calculate upon real favours from nation 



228 THE LIFE OF 

to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a juSt 
pride ought to discard. 

" In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and 
affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and 
lasting impression I could wish — that they will control the usual cur- 
rent of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course 
which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may 
even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial bene- 
fit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to 
moderate the fury of party spirit ; to warn against the mischiefs of 
foreign intrigue ; to guard against the impostures of pretended patri- 
otism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your 
welfare, by which they have been dictated. 

•' How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided 
by the principles which have been delineated, the publick records and 
other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. 
To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at 
least believed myself to be guided by them. 

" In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation 
of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by 
your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both 
houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed 
me ; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

" After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I 
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the cir- 
cumstances of the case, had a fight to take, and was bound in duty 
and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, 
as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, per- 
severance and firmness. 

" The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, 
it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that 
according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from 
being denied by any of the belligerant powers, has been virtually ad- 
mitted by all. 

" The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without 
any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity im- 
pose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain 
inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. 

" The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best 
be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a pre- 
dominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country 
to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, with- 
out interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which 
is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own 
fortunes. 

" Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am 
unconscious of intentional errour ; I am nevertheless too sensible of my 
defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many 
errours. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to 
avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry 
with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 229 

indulgence; -and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its 
service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will 
be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of 
rest. 

" Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by 
that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views 
in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several genera- 
tions ; 1 anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I 
promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of par- 
taking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of 
good laws under a free government — the ever favourite object of my 
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, 
and dangers. 

"United States, Sept. 17, 1796." 

This valedictory address of the father of his country, was 
received in every part of the Union with the most unbounded 
veneration, and recorded with the most pointed respect. 
Shortly after, the President, for the last time, met the national 
legislature in the senate chamber. His address on the oc- 
casion was highly dignified. He congratulated Congress on 
the internal situation of the United States ; on the progress 
which had been made for preserving peace with the Indians, 
and meliorating their condition ; and, after stating the mea- 
sures which had been adopted in execution of the treaties 
with Britain, Spain, and Algiers, and the negotiations which 
were pending with Tunis and Tripoli, he observed : — 

" To an active external commerce, the protection of a naval force 
is indispensable. This is manifest with regard to wars in which a 
state is itself a party. But besides this, it is our own experience, that 
the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the de. 
predations of nations at w^ar. To secure respect to a neutral flag 
requires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from insult 
or aggression. This may even prevent the necessity of going to war, 
by discouraging belligerant powers from committing such violations 
of the rights of the neutral party, as may first or last leave no other 
option. From the best information I have been able to obtain, it 
would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean, without a protecting 
force, will always be insecure, and our citizens exposed to the calami- 
ties from which numbers of them have but just been relieved. 

" These considerations invite the United States to look to the means, 
and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. The increasing pro- 
gress of their navigation, promises them at no distant period, the 
requisite supply of seamen, and their means in other respects, favour 
the undertaking. It is an encouragement likewise, that their par- 
ticular situation will give weight and influence to a moderate naval 
force in their hands. Will it not then be advisable to begin without 
dday, to provide and lay up the materials for the building and equip^ 
20* 



230 THE LIFE OF 

ping of ships of war, and to proceed in the work by degrees, in pro- 
portion as our resources shall render it practicable, without inconveiii- 
ence ; so that a future war of Europe may not find our commerce in 
the same unprotected state in which it was found by the present ?" 

He then recommended the establishment of national works 
for manufacturing implements of defence ; of an institution 
for the improvement of agriculture ; and pointed out the ad- 
vantages of a military academy ; of a national university ; 
and the necessity of augmenting the salaries of the officers 
of the United Stales. 

In respect to the disputes with France, he observed — 

" While, in our external relations some serious inconveniences and 
embarrassments have been overcome, and others lessened, it is with 
much pain and deep regret I mention, that circumstances of a very 
unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered, and 
is suffering, extensive injuries in the West Indies, from the cruisers 
and agents of the French rcpublick ; and communications have been 
received from its Minister here, which indicate the danger of a further 
disturbance of our commerce by its authority ; and which are in other 
respects far from agreeable. 

*' It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity 
with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony, and a perfectly 
friendly understanding with that rcpublick. This wish remains una- 
bated, and I shall persevere in the endeavour to fulfil it, to the utmost 
extent of what shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard 
to the rights and honour of our country ; nor will I easily cease to 
cherish the expectation, that a spirit of justice, candour, and friendship, 
on the part of the rcpublick, will eventually ensure success. 

"In pursuing this course, however, I cannot forget what is due to 
the character of our government and nation, or to a full and entire 
confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of 
my countrymen." 

This address was concluded in the following pathetick 
terms : — 

" The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in the midst 
of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally re- 
calls the period when the administration of the present form of govern- 
ment commenced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate 
you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat 
my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, and 
sovereign arbiter of nations, that his providential care may still be 
extended to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the 
people may be preserved ; and that the government which they have 
instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual," 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231 



CHAP. XIII. 

Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring. Writes to the Secretary 
of State, denying the authenticity of letters said to be from him to J. P, 
Custis and Lund Washington, in 1776. Pays respect to his successor, 
Mr. John Adams. Review of Washington's administration. He retires 
to Mount Vernon. Resumes agricuhural pursuits. Hears with legret 
the aggression of the French repubhck. Corresponds on the subject of 
his taking the command of an army to oppose the French. Is ap- 
pointed tiieutenant-General. His commission is sent to him by the 
Secretary of War. His letter to President Adams on the receipt there- 
of. Directs the organization of the proposed army. Three Envoys 
Extraordinary sent to France, who adjust all disputes with Buonaparte, 
after the overthrow of the Directory. Gen. Washington dies. la 
honoured by Congress, and by the citizens, His character. 

1796-.1799. 

The pleasing emotions which are excited in ordinary 
men on their acquisition of power, were inferiour to those 
which Washington felt on the resignation of it. To his 
tried friend, Gen. Knox, on the day preceding the termina- 
tion of his office, he observed in a letter — 

*' To the weary traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending 
his body thereon, I now compare myself. Although the prospect of 
retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix 
again in the great world, or to partake in its politicks, yet I am not 
without regret at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few 
intimates whom I love. Among these be assured you are one." 

The numerous calumnies of which Washington was the 
.subject, drew from him no publick animadversions, except in 
one case. A volume of letters, said to be from Gen. Wash- 
ington to John Parke Custis and Lund Washington, were 
published by the British, in the year 1776, and were given 
to the publick as being found in a small portmanteau, left 
in the care of his servant, who it was said by the editors, 
had been taken prisoner in Fort Lee. These letters were 
intended to produce in the publick mind, impressions un- 
favourable to the integrity of^ Washington's motives, and to 
represent his inclinations as at variance with his profession 
and duty. When the first edition of these spurious letters 



232 THE LIFE OP 

was forgotten, they were republished during Washington's 
civil administration, by some of his fellow-citizens who dif- 
fered from him in politicks. On the morning of the last 
day of his Presidency, he addressed a letter to the Secretary 
of State, in which, after enumerating all the facts and dates 
connected with the forgery, and declaring that he had hitherto 
deemed it unnecessary to take any formal notice of the 
imposition, he concluded as follows : — 

" But as I cannot know how soon a more serious event may succeed 
to that which will this day take place, I have thought it a duty that 
I owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail the 
circumstances above recited, and to add my solemn declaration, that 
the letters herein described, are a base forgery ; and that I never saw 
or heard of tliem until they appeared in print. The present letter I 
commit to your care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the 
department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present genera- 
tion and to posterity." 

The moment now approached which was to terminate 
the official character of Washington, and in which that of 
his successor, John Adams, was to commence. The old and 
new President walked in together to the Houi?e of Represen- 
tatives, where the oath of office was administered to the 
latter. On this occasion Mr. Adams concluded an impres- 
sive speech with a handsome compliment to his predecessor, 
by observing, that though he was about to retire, "his name 
may still be a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a 
bulwark against all open or secret enemies of his country." 

The immense concourse of citizens who were present, 
gazed with love and affection on the retiring Washington, 
while cheerfulness overspread his countenance and joy filled 
his heart, on seeing another invested with the high authori. 
ties he so long exercised, and the way opened for his return- 
ing to the long wished for happiness of domestick private 
life. After paying his most respectful compliments to the 
new President, he sot out for Mount Vernon, the scene of 
enjoyment which he preferred to all others. His wishes to 
travel privately were in vain : for wherever he passed, the 
gentlemen of the country took every occasion of testifying 
their respect for him. In his retirement he continued to 
receive the most flattering addresses from legislative bodies, 
and various classes of his fellow-citizens. 

During the eight years administration of Washington, the 
United States enjoyed prosperity and happiness at home ; 



GEOEGE WASHINGTOIN-. 233 

and, by the energy of the government, regained among 
foreigners that importance and reputation, which, by its 
weakness, they had lost. The debts contracted in the 
revolutionary war, which, from the imbecility of the old 
government, had depreciated to an insignificant sum, were 
funded ; and such ample revenues provided for the payment 
of the interest and the gradual extinction of the principal, that 
their real and nominal value were in a little time nearly 
the same. The government was so firmly established as 
to be cheerfully and universally obeyed. The only excep- 
tion was an insurrection in the western counties of Penn- 
sylvania, which was quelled without bloodshed.* Agricul- 
ture and commerce were extended far beyond what had 
ever before taken place. The Indians on the frontiers had 
been first compelled by force to respect the United States, 
and to continue in peace ; and afterwards a humane system 
was commenced for teaching them to exchange the toma- 
hawk and hatchet for the plough, the hoe, the shuttle, and 
spinning-wheel. The free navigation of the Mississippi had 
been acquired with the consent of Spain, and all differences 
compromised with that power. The military posts which 
had been long held by Britain within the United States, 
were peaceably given up. The Mediterranean was opened 
to American vessels in consequence of treaties made with 
the Barbary powers. Indeed, differences with all powers, 
either contiguous to or connected with the United States, 
had been amicably adjusted, with the exception of France. 

* The famous " Whiskey Insurrection," in resistance to the act of 
Congress, imposing a tax on domestick distilled spirits. This insurrec- 
tion was extensive in the western counties of Pennsylvania, and for a 
time [1792 — 3 — 4] assumed a serious aspect. The inspectors and collec- 
tors of the revenue were resisted and maltreated. Bills of indictment 
were found, and the marshal, in attempting to serve the process of the 
court, was opposed by armed men, seized, detained, and harshly used. 
After exhorting and warning the insurgents, by proclamation, without 
efiect, the President determined to call out a military force, to quell the 
disturbance. The insurgents and their abettors were supposed to number 
about sixteen thousand men, and to be capable of embodying an armed 
force of about seven thousand. The number of militia oidered out was, 
eventually, sixteen thousand. The organization of these, Gen. Washing- 
ton superintended in person, conferring the command of the whole upon 
Gen. Lee, of Virginia, while he returned to Philadelphia, to attend the 
session of Congress, and mtending to place himself at the head should 
actual hostilities occur. But, these prompt and formidable preparations 
bad the desired effect, and the insurgents yielded obedience to the laws 
without the necessity of bloodshed. 



234 THE LIFE OP 

To accomplish this very desirable object, Washington made 
repeated advances; but it could not be obtained without 
surrendering the independence of the nation, and its right 
of self-government. 

Washington, on returning to Mount Vernon, resumed 
agricultural pursuits. These, with the society of men and 
books, gave to every hour innocent and interesting employ- 
ment, and promised a serene evening of his life.* Though 
he wished to withdraw not only from publick office, but from 
all anxiety respecting publick affairs, yet he felt too much 
for his country to be indifferent to its interests. He heard 
with regret the repeated insults offered by the French Direc- 
tory to the United States, in the person of their ministers, 
and the injury done to their commerce by illegal captures of 
their vessels. These indignities and injuries, after a long en- 
durance and a rejection of all advances for an accommodation, 
at length roused the government, in the hands of Mr. Adams, 
to adopt vigorous measures. To be in readiness to repel a 
threatened invasion, Congress authorized the formation of a 
regular army. As soon as the adoption of this measure was 
probable, the eyes of all were once more turned on Washing- 
ton as the most suitable person to be at its head. Letters 
from his friends poured in upon him, urging that he should 
accept the command. To one from President Adams, in 
which it was observed — " We must have your name if you 
will in any case permit us to use it ; there will be more 
efficacy in it, than in many an army" — Washington replied 
as follows— 

" At the epocli of my retirement, an invasion of these states by any 
European power, or even the probability of such an event in my days, 
was so far from being contemplated by me, that I had no conception 
«ither that, or any other occurrence, would arrive in so short a period. 



* " In writing to a friend, a few weeks after he arrived at Mount Ver- 
non, he said that he began his daily course with the rising of the sun, 
and first made preparations for the business of the day. ' By the time I 
have accomphshed these matters,' he adds, 'breakfast is ready. This 
being over, I mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs 
me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss to see strange 
faces, come as they say out of respect to me. And how different is this 
from having a few social friends at a cheerful board. The usual time of 
sitting at table, a walk, and tea, bring me within the dawn of candlelight ; 
previous to which, if not prevented by company, I resolve, tliat, as soon 
as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, I will 
retire to my writing table, and acknowledj^e the letters I have received. 
Having given yo)i the history of a day, it will serve for a year.' '^—Sparks. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 235 

which could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount Vernon. But 
this seems to be the age of wonders ; and it is reserved for intoxicated 
and lawless France, (for purposes far beyond the reach of human 
ken,) to slaughter her own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all 
the world besides. From a view of the past ; from the prospect of 
the present ; and of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy 
for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to 
act. In case of actual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly 
should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if 
my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. 
And if there be good cause to expect such an event, which certainly 
must be better known to the government than to private citizens, de- 
lay in preparing for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to be 
justified by prudence. The uncertainty, however, of the latter, in my 
mind, creates my embarrassment ; for I cannot bring it to believe, 
regardless as the French are of treaties and of the laws of nations, 
and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of despotism and 
injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such a 
uniform and unequivocal expression of the determination of the people 
in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes. That they 
have been led to believe by their agents and partisans among us, that 
we are a divided people ; that the latter are opposed to their own gov- 
ernment; and that the show of a small force would occasion a revolt, 
I have no doubt ; and how far these men, (grown desperate,) will 
further attempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the decep- 
tion, is problematical. Without that, the folly of the Directory in 
such an attempt would, I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, 
than their wickedness. 

" Having with candour made this disclosure of the state of my 
mind, it remains only for me to add, that to those who know me best 
it is best known, that should imperious circumstances induce me to 
exchange once more the smooth paths of retirement for the thorny 
ways of publick life, at a period too when repose is more congenial to 
nature, that it would be productive of sensations which can be more 
easily conceived than expressed." 

To the Secretary of War, writing on the same subject, 
Washington replied — 

" It cannot be necessary for me to premise to you, or to others who 
know my sentiments, that to quit the tranquillity of retirement, and 
enter the boundless field of responsibility, would be productive of 
sensations which a better pen than I possess would find it difficult to 
describe. Nevertheless, the principle by which my conduct has been 
actuated through life, would not suffer me, in any great emergency, 
to withhold any services I could render when required by my country ; 
especially in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless 
ambition and intoxicated power, in contempt of every principle of 
justice, and in violation of solemn compact, and of laws which govern 
all civilized nations ; and this too with the obvious intent to sow thick 
the seeds of disunion, for the purpose of subjugating our government, 
and destroying our independence and happiness. 



236 THE LIFE OF 

" Under circumstances like these, accompanied by an actual inva- 
sion of our territory, it would be difficult for me at any time to remain 
an idle spectator, under the plea of age or retirement. With sorrow, 
it is true, I should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease 
and happiness I now enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, 
to which possibly my strength and powers might be found incompe- 
tent. These, however, should not be stumbling blocks in my own 
way." 

President Adams nominated Washington with the rank 
of Lieutenant-General, to the chief command of all the ar- 
mies raised and to be raised in the United States. His 
commission was sent to him by Mr. M'Henry, the Secretary 
of War, who was directed to repair to Mount Vernon, and to 
confer on the arrangements of the new army with its com- 
mander in chief. To the letter which President Adams sent 
with the commission by the Secretary of War, Washington, 
in two days, repUed as follows : 

" I had the honour, on the evening of the 11th instant, to receive 
from the hand of the Secretary of War, your favour of the 7th, an- 
nouncing that you had, with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
appointed me ' Lieutenant-General and Commander in Chief of all 
the armies raised, or to be raised, for the service of the United States.' 

" I cannot express how greatly affected I am at this new proof of 
publick confidence, and the highly flattering manner in which you 
have been pleased to make the communication. At the same time I 
must not conceal from you my earnest wish, that the choice had fallen 
upon a man less declined in years, and better qualified to encounter 
the usual vicissitudes of war. 

" You know, sir, what calculation I had made relative to the proba- 
ble course of events, on my retiring from office, and the determination 
I had consoled myself with, of closing the remnant of my days in my 
present peaceful abode. You will therefore be at no loss to conceive 
and appreciate the sensations I must have experienced, to bring my 
mind to any conclusion that would pledge me, at so late a period of 
life, to leave scenes I sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field 
of publick action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility. 

" It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, or indifferent tOj 
recent transactions. The conduct of the Directory of France, tow- 
ards our country ; their insidious hostility to its government ; their 
various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it ; the 
evident tendency of their acts, and those of their agents, to counten- 
ance and invigorate opposition ; their disregard of solemn treaties and 
the laws of nations ; their war upon our defenceless commerce ; their 
treatment of our ministers of peace ; and their demands, amounting 
to tribute, could not fail to excite in me corresponding sentiments 
with those my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affec- 
tionate addresses to you. Believe me, sir, no one can more cordially 
approve of the wise and prudent measures of your administration. 
They ought to inspire universal confidence, and will, no doubt, com- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 237 

^ined with the state of things, call from Congress such laws and 
means as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of the 
crisis. 

" Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endea- 
voured to avert war, and exhausted, to the last drop, the cup of recon- 
ciliation, we can with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the justice of 
our cause ; and may confidently trust the final result to that kind 
Providence who has heretofore, and so often, signally favoured the 
people of these United States. 

" Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent it is upon 
every person of every description, to contribute at all times to his 
country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when 
-every thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened ; I have 
finally determined to accept the commission of Commander in Chief 
of the armies of the United States; with the reserve only, that I shall 
not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require 
my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circum- 
stances. 

" In making this reservation, I beg it to be understood, that I do 
not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the 
army, which you may think I can afford. I take the liberty also to 
mention, that I must decline having my acceptance considered as 
drawing after it any immediate charge upon the publick ; or that I 
can receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment, before en- 
tering into a situation to incur expense." 

The time of Washington after the receipt of this appoint- 
ment, was divided between agricultural pursuits and the 
cares and attentions which were imposed by his new office. 
The organization of the army was, in a great measure, left to 
him. Much of his time was employed in making a proper 
selection of officers, and arranging the whole army in the best 
possible manner to meet the invaders at the water's edge; 
ibr he contemplated a system of continued attack, and fre- 
tjuently observed, " that the enemy must never be permitted 
to gain foothold on the shores of the United States." Yet 
he always thought that an actual invasion of the country 
was very improbable. He believed that the hostile measures 
of France took their rise from an expectation that these 
measures would produce a revolution of power in the United 
States, favourable to the views of the French republick ; and 
that when the spirit of the Americans was roused, the 
French would give up the contest. Events soon proved that 
these opinions were well founded ; tor no sooner had the 
United States armed, than they were treated with respect, 
and an indirect communication was made that France would 
accommodate all matters in dispute on reasonable terms. 

21 



238 THE LIFE OP 

Mr. Adams embraced these overtures, and made a second 
appointment of three envoys extraordinary to the French 
repubhck. These, on repairing to France, found the Direc- 
tory overthrown, and the government in the hands of Buona- 
parte, who had taken no part in the disputes which had 
brought the two countries to the verge of war. With him 
negotiations were commenced, and soon terminated in a 
pacifick settlement of all differences. The joy to which this 
event gave birth was great ; but in it General Washington 
did not partake, for before accounts arrived of this amicable 
adjustment, he ceased to be numbered with the living. 

On the 13th of December, 1799, bis neck and hair were 
sprinkled, with a light rain, while he was out of doors attend- 
ing to some improvements on his estate. In the following 
night he was seized with an inflammatory affection of the 
windpipe, attended with pain, and a diflicult deglutition, 
which was soon succeeded by fever, and a laborious respira- 
tion. He was bled in the night, but would not permit his 
family physician to be sent for before day. About eleven 
o'clock, A. M. Dr. Craik arrived, and rightly judging that the 
case was serious, recommended that two consulting physi- 
cians should be sent for. The united powers of all three 
were in vain ; in about twenty. four hours from the time he 
was in his usual health, he expired without a struggle, and 
in the perfect use of his reason. 

In every stage of his disorder he believed that he should 
tiie, and he was so much under this impression, that he sub- 
Hiitted to the prescriptions of his physicians more from a 
sense of duty than expectation of relief. After he had given 
them a trial, he expressed a wish that he might be permitted 
to die without farther interruption. Towards the close of 
his illness, he undressed himself and went to bed, to die there. 
To his friend and physician, Dr. Craik, he said, " 1 am dying, 
and have been dying for a long time, but I am not afraid to 
die." The equanimity which attended him throngh life, did 
not forsake him in death. Ho was the same in that moment 
as in all the past, magnanimous and firm; confiding in the 
mercy and resigned to the will of Heaven. He submitted 
to the inevitable stroke with the dignity of a man, the calm- 
ness of a philosopher, the resignation and confidence of a 
Christian. 

On the 18th, his body, attended by military honours and 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239 

the officers of religion, was deposited in the family vault on 
his estate. 

When intelligence reached Congress of the death of Wash- 
ington, they instantly adjourned until the next day, when 
John Marshall, then a member of the House of Representa- 
tives, and since Chief Justice of the United States, and 
biographer of Washington, addressed the speaker in the 
following words : 

*' The melancholy event which was yesterday announced with 
doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Washington is no 
more. The hero, the patriot, and the sage of America ; the man on 
whom in times of danger every eye was turned, and all hopes were 
placed, lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of 
an affectionate and afflicted people. 

" If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the 
memory of those whom Heaven has selected as its instruments for 
dispensing good to man, yet such has been the uncommon worth, and 
such the extraordinary incidents which have marked the life of him 
whose loss we all deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled 
by the same feelings, would call with one voice for a pubUck raani. 
festation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so universal. 

" More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual 
was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide spreading 
empire, and to give to the western world, independence and freedom. 

" Having effected the great object for which he was placed at the 
head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the 
ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the citizen. 

♦' When the debility of our federal system had become manifest, 
and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, 
we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a con. 
Btitution, which by preserving the Union, will, I trust, substantiate 
and perpetuate those blessings which our revolution had promised to 
bestow. 

•* In obedience to the general voice of his country, calling him to 
preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the 
retirement he loved, and in a season more stormy and tempestuous 
than war itself, with calm and wise determination pursue the true 
interests of the nation, and contribute more than any other could con. 
tribute, to the establishment of that system of policy which will, I 
trust, yet preserve our peace, our honour, and our independence. 

"Having been twice unanimously chosen chief magistrate of a 
free people, we have seen him, at a time when his re-election with 
universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare in. 
stance of moderation, by withdrawing from his station to the peace- 
ful walks of private life. 

" However the publick confidence may change, and the publick 
affections fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him they 
have in war and in peace, in publick and in private life, been as steady 
as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues. 

^' Let us -then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affec- 



240 THE LIFE OF 

tion to our departed friend. Let the grand council of the nation dis- 
play those sentiments which the nation feels. For this purpose I hold 
in my hand some resolutions which I take the liberty of offering to 
the house. 

" Resolved, That this House will wait on the President, in condo- 
lence of this mournful event. 

" Resolved, That the Speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and 
tliatthe members and officers of the house wear black during the session. 

" Resolved, That a committee, in conjunction with one from the 
Senate, be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of 
paying honour to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, 
and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." 

The Senate of the United States, on this melancholy 
occasion, addressed to the President a letter in these words : 

"The Senate of the United States respectfully take leave, sir, to 
express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in 
the death cf Gen. George Washington. 

" Tliis event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, must be peculi- 
arly heavy to you, who have long been associated with him in deeds 
of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with youjs. On 
tliis occasion it is manly to weep. To lose such a man, at such a 
crisis, is no common calamity to the world. Our country raourns a 
father. The Almighty Disposer of human events, has taken from us 
our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with 
reverence to him ' who maketh darkness his pavilion.' 

" With patriotick pride we review the life of our Washington, and 
compare him with those of other countries who have been pre-eminent 
in fame. Ancient and modern times are diminished before him. 
Greatness and guilt have too often been allied ; but his fame is whiter 
than it is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the 
majesty of his virtues. It reproved the intemperance of their ambition, 
and darkened the splendour of victory. The scene is closed, and we 
are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory ; he has 
travelled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increas- 
ing weight of honour ; he has deposited it safely where misfortune 
cannot tarnish it — ^\'here malice cannot blast it. Favoured of Heaven, 
he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity. Magnani- 
mous in death, the darkiiess of the grave could not obscure his bright- 
ness. 

" Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory 
is consummated. Washington yet lives on earth in his spotkss exam- 
ple — his spirit is in Heaven. 

" Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroick general, 
the patriotick statesman, and the virtuous sage. Let them teach 
their children never to forget, that the fruits of his labours and his 
example are their inheritance." 

To this address, the President returned the following 
answer : 

" I receive with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in 
this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the 



GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 241 

loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, 
beloved, and admired eitizen. 

" In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melan. 
choly event, you will permit me to say, that I have seen him in the 
days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress, and 
most trying perplexities. I have also attended him in his highest ele- 
vation, and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his 
wisdom, moderation, and constancy. 

" Among all our original associates in that memorable league of 
this continent, in 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will of a 
free nation in America, he was the onl7 one remaining in the general 
government. Although with a eoasLitution more enfeebled than his, 
at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retii-ement, I 
feel myself alone bereaved of my last brother, yet I derive a strong 
consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears in all ages 
and classes, to mingle their sorrows with mine, on this common calam- 
ity to the world. 

" The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with 
those of other countries, who have been most celebrated and exalted 
by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty, could only have 
served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from 
being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, 
had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those 
superficial minds who, believing that character and actions are marked 
by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice could never blast 
his honour and envy made him a singular exception to her universal 
rule. For himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory ; for 
his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would 
have been immortal; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate 
moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of 
Providence over the passions of men and the results of their actions, 
as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble 
resignation. 

"His example is now complete; and it will teach wisdom and 
virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, 
but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a 
Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, 
eulogists, or historians." 

The committee of both houses appointed to devise the 
mode by which the nation should express its grief, reported 
the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. 

" Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a marble 
monument be erected by the United States at the capitol of the city 
^f Washington, and that the family of General Washington be 
requested to permit his body to be deposited under it, and that the 
.monument be^so designed as to commemorate the great events of his 
military and political life. 

" And be it further resolved, That there be a funeral procession frora 
Congress-Hall, to the German Lutheran church, in memory of Gen, 

21* 



242 ' THE LtFE OF 

George Washington, on Thursday the 26th instant, and that an 
oration be prepared at the request of Congress, to be delivered before 
both houses that day ; and that the President of the Senate, and 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, be desired to request one 
of the members of Congress to prepare and deliver the same. 

*■' And be it further resolved, That it be recommended to the people 
of the United States, to wear crape on their left arm, as mourning, 
for thirty days. 

^'And be it further resolved, That the President of the United States 
be requested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to 
Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the profound respect Congress will 
ever bear for her person and character, of their condolence on the late 
affecting dispensation of Providence ; and entreating her assent to the 
interment of the remains of Gen. Washington in the manner_expressed 
in the first resolution, 

*'And be it further resolved, That the President of the United States 
be requested to issue his proclamation, notifying to the people through, 
out the United States, the^ recommendation contained in the third 
resolution." 

To the letter of President Adams, vj^hich transmitted to 
Mrs. Washington the resolution of Congress that she should 
be requested to permit the remains of Gen. Washington to 
be deposited under a marble monument, to be erected in the 
city of Washington, she replied very much in the style and 
manner of her departed husband, and in the following words, 
" Taught by the great example which I have so long had 
before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the publick 
will, I must consent to the request made by Congress, which 
you have had the goodness to transmit to me ; and in doing 
this, I need not, I cannot say, what a sacrifice of individual 
feeling I m;ike to a sense of publick duty." 

The honours paid to Washington at the seat of govern- 
ment, were but a small part of the whole. Throughout the 
United States, the citizens generally expressed, in a variety 
of ways, both their grief and their gratitude. Their heart- 
felt distress resembled the agony of a large and affectionate 
family, when a bereaved wife and orphan children mingle 
their tears for the loss of a husband and father. 

The people, from the impulse of their own minds, before 
they knew of similar intentions of their fellow-citizens, or 
of the resolutions of Congress for a general mourning, 
assembled and passed resolutions, expressive of their high 
sense of the great worth of the deceased, and their grateful 
recollection of his important services. Orations were deliv- 
ered, sermons preached, and elegies written, on the melan- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 243 

choly occasion. The best talents of the nation were em- 
ployed, both in prose and verse, in writing and speaking, to 
express the national grief, and to celebrate the deeds of the 
departed father of his country. In addition to the publick 
honours which, in the preceding pages, have been mentioned 
as conferred on Washington in his life time, there were others 
of a private nature which flowed from the hearts of the 
people, and which neither wealth nor power could command. 
An infinity of children were called by his name. This was 
often done by people in the humble walks of life, who 
had never seen nor expected to see him ; and who could 
have no expectations of favour from him. Villages, towns, 
cities, districts, counties, seminaries of learning, and other 
publick institutions, were called Washington, in such num- 
bers, and in such a variety of places, that the name no longer 
answered the end of distinction, unless some local or appro- 
priating circumstances were added to the common appel- 
lation. Adventurous mariners, who discovered islands or 
countries in unexplored regions, availing themselves of the 
privilege of discoverers, planted the name of the American 
Chief in the remotest corner of the globe. 

The person of George Washington was uncommonly 
tall.* Mountain air, abundant exercise in the open country, 

* The description of person and character, which our author has given 
of his hero in these closing pages, has never been, and can never be, in 
eloquence of style and faithfulness of delineation, surpassed by any 
writer. But, at the same time, a notice or two from other authors of the 
revolutionary era, may not be uninteresting to the readers of this work. 

Thatcher, on the occasion of General Washington's visit to the mili- 
tary hospital, at Robinson's house, near West Point, in October, 1778, 
records the following description of him : "The personal appearance of 
our Commander in Chief, is that of the perfect gentleman and accom- 
plished warriour. He is remarkably tall, full six feet, erect and well 
proportioned. The strength and proportion of his joints and muscles, 
appear to be commensurate with the pre-eminent powers of his mind. 
The serenity of his countenance, and majestick gracefulness of his de- 
portment, impart a strong impression of that dignity and grandeur, which 
are his pecuhar characteristicks, and no one can stand in his presence 
without feehng the ascendancy of hia mind, and associating with his 
countenance the idea of wisdom, philanthropy, magnanimity, and patri- 
otism. There is a fine symmetry in the features of his face, indicative of 
a benign and dignified spirit. His nose is straight, and his eyes inclined 
to blue. He wears his hair in a becoming cue, and from his forehead it 
is turned back and powdered in a manner which adds to the military air 
of his appearance. He displays a native gravity, but devoid of all appear- 
ance of ostentation. His uniform dress is a blue coat, with two brilhant 
epaulettes, buff coloured under clothes, and a three cornered hat, with a 
black cockade. He is constantly equipped with an elegant sntall sword* 



244 



THE LIFE OP 



the wholesome toils of the chase, and the delightful scenes 
of rural life, expanded his limbs to an unusual, but grace- 
ful and well-proportioned size. His exteriour suggested to 
every beholder the idea of strength, united with manly- 
gracefulness. His form was noble, and his port majestick. 
No man could approach him but with respect. His frame 
was robust, his constitution vigorous, and he was capable 
of enduring great fatigue. His passions were naturally 
strong ; with them was his first contest, and over them his 

boots, and spurs, in readiness to mount his noble charger. There is not 
in the present age, perhaps, another man so eminently qualified to dis- 
charge the arduous duties of the exalted station he is called to sustain, 
amidst difficulties which to others would appear insurmountable, nor 
could any man have more at command the veneration and regard of the 
officers and soldiers of our army, even after defeat and misfortune. This 
is the illustrious chief, whom a kind Providence has decreed as the instru- 
ment to conduct our country to peace and to independence. 

Chastellux, whom we have before quoted, speaks of the vigorous and 
athletick habits of W^ashington ; that he was in the habit of breaking all 
his own horses; that he was "a very excellent and bold horseman, 
leaping the highest fences and going extremely quick, without standing 
upon his stirrups, bearing upon the bridle, or letting the horse run wild." 
The same author, who, it will be recollected, was a French general 
serving in the campaigns of 1780, '81, '82, paid at that time the following 
just and prophetick tribute to the American Commander in Chief; 

*' The continent of North America, from Boston to Charleston, is a 
great volume, every page of which presents his eulogium. ***** 
* * * Brave without temerity, laborious without ambition, generous 
without prodigality, noble without pride, virtuous without severity; he 
seems always to have confined himself within those limits, where the 
virtues, by clothing themselves in more lively, but more changeable and 
doubtful colours, may be mistaken for faults This is the seventh year 
ihat he has commanded the army, and that he has obeyed the Congress; 
more need not be said, especially in America, where they know how to 
appreciate all the merit coatained in this simple fact. Let it be repeated 
that Condft was intrepid, Turenne prudent, Eugene adroit, Catinat disin- 
terested. It is not thus that Washington will be characterized. It will 
be said of him, at the end op a long civil war, he had nothing with 
•WHICH HE COULD REPROACH HIMSELF. If any thing can be more marvel- 
lous than such a character, it is the unanimity of the publick suffrages iu 
his favour. Soldier, magistrate, people, all love and admire him ; all 
love and admire him; all speak of hirn in terms of tenderness and vene- 
ration. Does there then exist a virtue capable of restraining the injustice 
of mankind; or are glory and happiness too recently established in 
America, lor envy to have deisrned to pass the sens'?" 

Mr. Jefferson it has been alleged, was estranged from General Wash- 
ington, and not disposed to render him justice. This allegation would 
seem to be refuted by the following tribute paid to Gen. Washington in 
one of Mr. Jeflerson's published letters : 

" His integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible I have 
ever known; no motive of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or 
hatred, being able to bias his decision. He was, indeed, in every sense 
of the word, a wise, a good, and a great man." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245 

first victory. Before he undertook to command others, he 
had thoroughly learned to command himself. The powers 
of his mind were more solid than brilliant. Judgement was 
his forte. To vivacity, wit, and the sallies of a lively imagi- 
nation, he made no pretensions. His faculties resembled 
those of Aristotle, Bacon, Locke, and Newton ; but were 
very unlike those of Voltaire. Possessed of a large propor- 
tion of common sense, directed by a sound practical judge- 
ment, he was better fitted for the exalted stations to which 
he was called, than many others, who to a greater brilliancy 
of parts, frequently add the eccentricities of genius. 

Truth and utility were his objects. He steadily pursued, 
and generally attained them. With this view he thought 
much, and closely examined every subject on which he was 
to decide, in all its relations. Neither passion, party spirit, 
pride, prejudice, ambition, nor interest, influenced his deli- 
berations. In making up his mind on great occasions, 
many of which occurred in which the fate of the army or 
nation seemed involved, he sought for information from all 
quarters, revolved the subject by night and by day,* and ex- 
amined it in every point of view. Guided by these lights, 
and influenced by an honest and good heart, he was imper- 
ceptibly led to decisions which were wise and judicious. 
Perhaps no man ever lived who was so often called upon to 
form a judgement in cases of real difficulty, and who so 
often formed a right one. Engaged in the busy scenes of 
life, he knew human nature, and the most proper methods 
of accomplishing proposed objects. Of a thousand propo- 
sitions he knew to distinguish the best, and to select among 
a thousand the individual most fitted for his purpose. 

As a military man, he possessed personal courage, and a 
firmness which neither danger nor difficulties could shake. 
His perseverance overcame every obstacle ; his moderation 
conciliated all opposition ; his genius supplied every re- 
source. He knew how to conquer by delay, and deserved 
true praise by despising unmerited censure. Inferiour to his 

*In a letter to Gen. Knox, written after the termination of the revolu- 
tionary war, Washington observed — " Strange as it may seem, it is 
nevertheless true, that it was not until lately I could get the better of my 
usual custom of ruminating as soon as I awoke in the morning, on the 
business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, after revolv- 
ing many things in my mind, that I was no longer a publick man, or had 
any thing to do with publick transactions." 



246 THE LIFE OP 

adversary in the numbers, the equipment, and discipline of 
his troops, no great advantage was ever obtained over him, 
and no opportunity to strike an important blow was ever 
neglected. In the most ardent moments of the contest, his 
prudent firmness proved the salvation of his country. 

The whole range of history does not present a character 
on which we can dwell with such entire unmixed admira- 
tion. His qualities were so happily blended, and so nicely 
harmoniized, that the result was a great and perfect whole. 

The integrity of Washington was incorruptible. His 
principles were free from the contamination of selfish and 
unworthy passions. His real and avowed motives were 
the same. His ends were always upright, and his means 
pure. He was a statesman without guile, and his profes- 
sions, both to his fellow-citizens and to foreign nations, 
were always sincere. No circumstances ever induced him 
to use duplicity. He was an example of the distinction 
which exists between wisdom and cunning; and his manly, 
open conduct, was an illustration of the soundness of the 
maxim — " that honesty is the best policy." 

The learning of Washington was of a particular kind. 
He overstepped the tedious forms of the schools, and by the 
force of a "correct taste and sound judgement, seized on 
the great ends of learning, without the assistance of those 
means which have been contrived to prepare less active 
minds for publick business. By a careful study of the En- 
glish language ; by reading good models of fine writing, and 
above all, by the aid of a vigorous mind, he made himself 
master of a pure, elegant, and classical stylo. His compo- 
sition was all nerve ; full of correct and manly ideas, which 
were expressed in precise and forcible language. His an- 
swers to the innumerable addresses which on all publick 
occasions poured in upon him, were promptly made, hand- 
somely expressed and always contained something appropri- 
ate. His letters to Congress; his addresses to that body 
on the acceptance and resignation of his commission ; his 
general orders as Commander in Chief; his speeches and 
messages as President ; and above all, his two farewell ad- 
dresses to the people of the United States, will remain lasting 
monuments of the goodness of his heart, of the wisdom of his 
head, and of the eloquence of his pen. 

The powers of his mind were in some respects peculiar. 
He was a great, practical, self-taught genius ; with a head 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 247 

to devise, and a hand to execute, projects of the first magni- 
tude and greatest utility. 

There are few men of any kind, and still fewer of thosa 
the world calls great, who have not some of their virtues 
eclipsed by corresponding vices. But this was Hot the case 
with Gen. Washington. He had religion without austerity, 
dignity without pride, modesty without diffidence, courage 
without rashness, politeness without affectation, affability 
without familiarity. His private character, as well as his 
publick one, will bear the strictest scrutiny. He was punc- 
tual in all his engagements ; upright and honest in his deal- 
ings ; temperate in his enjoyments ; liberal and hospitable 
to an eminent degree ; a lover of order ; systematical and 
methodical in all his arrangements. He was the friend of 
morality and religion ; steadily attended on publick worship ; 
encouraged and strengthened the hands of the clergy. In 
all his publick acts, he made the most respectful mention of 
Providence ; and, in a word, carried the spirit of piety with 
him both in his private life and publick administration. 

Washington had to form soldiers of freemen, many of 
whom had extravagant ideas of their personal rights. He 
had often to mediate between a starving army, and a high- 
spirited yeomanry. So great were the necessities of the 
soldiers under his immediate command, that he was obliged 
to send out detachments to seize on the property of the far- 
mers at the point of the bayonet. The language of the 
soldier was--^" Give me clothing, give me food, or 1 cannot 
fight, I cannot live." The language of the farmer was — • 
•' Protect my property." In this choice of difficulties. Gen. 
Washington not only kept his army together, but conducted 
with so much prudence as to command the approbation both 
of the army and of the citizens. He was also dependent for 
much of his support on the concurrence of thirteen distinct, 
unconnected legislatures. Animosities prevailed between 
his southern and northern troops, and there were strong 
jealousies between the states from which they respectively 
came. To harmonize these clashing interests, to make uni- 
form arrangements from such discordant sources and mate- 
rials, required no common share of address. Yet so great 
was the effect of the modest unassuming manners of Gen, 
Washington, that he retained the affection of all his troops, 
and of ail the states. 



248 THE LIFE OF 

He also possessed equanimity in an eminent degree. 
One even tenour marked the greatness of his mind, in all the 
variety of scenes through which he passed. In the most 
trying situations he never despaired, nor was he ever de- 
pressed. He was the same when retreating through Jersey 
from before a victorious enemy with the remains of his bro- 
ken army, as when marching in triumph into Yorktown, 
over its demolished fortifications. The honours and ap- 
plause he received from his grateful countrymen, would have 
made almost any other man giddy ; but on him they had no 
mischievous effect. He exacted none of those attentions ; 
but when forced upon him, he received them as favours, with 
the politeness of a well bred man. He was great in deserv- 
ing them, but much greater in not being elated with them. 

The patriotism of Washington was of the most ardent 
kind, and without alloy. He was very different from those 
noisy patriots, who, with love of country in their mouths, 
and hell in their hearts, lay their schemes for aggrandizing 
themselves at every hazard ; but he was one of those who 
love their country in sincerity, and who hold themselves 
bound to consecrate all their talents to its service. Numer- 
ous were the difficulties with which he had to contend— 
Great were the dangers he had to encounter — Various were 
the toils and services in which he had to share ; but to all 
difficulties and dangers he rose superiour. To all toils and 
services he cheerfully submitted for his country's good. 

In principle, Washington was a federal-republican, and a 
republican. federalist. Liberty and law, the rights of man, 
and the control of government, were equally dear to him ; and 
in his opinion, equally necessary to political happiness. He 
was devoted to that system of equal political rights on which 
the constitution of his country was founded ; but thought that 
real liberty could only be maintained by preserving the au- 
thority of the laws, and giving tone and energy to government. 
He conceived there was an immense difference between a 
balanced republick and a tumultuous democracy, or a faction 
calling themselves the people ; and a still greater between a 
patriot and a demagogue. He highly respected the deliberate 
sentiments of the people, but their sudden ebullitions made no 
impression on his well balanced mind. Trusting for support 
to the sober second thoughts of the nation, he had the mag- 
nanimity to pursue its real interests, in opposition to pre- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 249 

Vailing prejudices. He placed a proper value on popular 
favour, but could never stoop to gain it by a sacrifice of 
duty, by artifice, or flattery. In critical times he committed 
his well earned popularity to hazard, and steadily pursued 
the line of conduct which was dictated by a sense of duty, 
against an opposing popular torrent. 

While war raged in Europe, the hostile nations would 
scarce endure a neutral. America was in great danger of 
being drawn by force or intrigue into the vortex. Strong 
parties in the United States rendered the danger more im- 
minent ; and it required a temperate, but inflexible govern- 
ment, to prevent the evil. In this trying state of things, 
Washington was not to be moved from the true interests of 
his country. His object was America, and her interest was 
to remain in peace. Faction at home, and intrigue and 
menace from abroad, endeavoured to shake him, but in 
vain ; he remained firm and immoveable in the storm that 
surrounded him. Foreign intrigue was defeated, and for- 
eign insolence was repressed by his address and vigour ; 
while domestick faction, dashing against him, broke itself 
to pieces. He met the injustice both of Britain and France 
by negotiation, rather than by war, but maintained towards 
both, that firm attitude which was proper for the magistrate 
of a free state. He commanded their respect, and preserved 
the tranquillity of his country. In his publick character, 
he knew no nation but as friends in peace, as enemies in war. 
Towards one he forgot ancient animosities, when the recol- 
lection of them opposed the interests of his country. 
Towards another, he renounced a fantastick gratitude, when 
it was claimed only to involve his nation in war. 

With Washington it was an invariable maxim of policy, 
to secure his country against the injustice of foreign nations, 
by being in a condition to command their respect, and pun- 
ish their aggressions. The defence of our commerce, the 
fortification of the ports, and the orgaifiization of a mili- 
tary force, were objects to which he paid particular atten- 
tion. To the gradual formation of an American army, he 
was friendly; and also to military institutions, which are 
calculated to qualify the youth of the country for its defence. 
War he depreciated as a great evil, inferiour only to the 
Joss of honour and character ; but thought it was most 
easily avoided by being readv for it, while, bv the practice 

*22 



260 THE LIFE OP 

of universal justice, none could have any real ground of 
complaint. In foreign transactions, his usual policy was 
to cultivate peace with all the world ; to observe treaties 
with pure and absolute faith ; to check every deviation 
from the line of impartiality ; to explain what was misap- 
prehended, and to correct what was injurious ; and then 
to insist upon justice being done to the nation over which 
he presided. In controversies with foreign nations, it was 
his favourite maxim so to conduct towards them, " as to 
put them in the wrong." 

In his transactions with the Indian tribes, Washington 
was guided by justice, humanity and benevolence. His 
authority and influence were exerted to restrain the licen- 
tious white contiguous settlers, from injuring their red neigh- 
bours. To supply their wants, and prevent impositions, 
he strongly urged the erection of trading houses in their 
settlements, from which they were furnished by government 
with goods at first cost. The unprincipled were restrained 
from preying on their ignorance, by excluding all but 
licensed persons, with good characters, from trading with 
them. All this was done to pave the way for their civiliza- 
tion. 

When Washington commenced his civil administration, 
the United States were without any efficient government. 
After they had adopted one of their choice, and placed him 
at its head, he determined that it should be respected. By 
his firmness order soon took place. There was one excep- 
tion. The western counties of Pennsylvania rose in arms 
to resist the law for raising a revenue, by an excise on 
domestick distilled ardent spirits. On this occasion, the 
fixed resolution of Washington was, that whatever expense 
it might cost, whatever inconvenience it might occasion, 
the people must be taught obedience, and the authority of 
the laws re-established. To secure this object, peculiarly 
important in the infancy of the new government, he ordered 
out, and put himself at the head, of an ample force, calcu- 
lated to render resistance desperate, and thereby to save the 
lives of his fellow-citizens. 

In consequence of such decided measures, the insurgents 
dispersed, and peace and order were restored without blood- 
shed. The necessity of subordination was impressed on the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 251 

citizens, and the firmness of Washington's personal charac- 
ter was communicated to the government. 

Having accomplished every object for which he re-entered 
publick life, he gave for the second time, the rare example 
of voluntarily descending from the first station in the Uni- 
verse — the head of a free people, placed there by their unani- 
mous suffrage. To the pride of reigning his soul was su- 
periour. To its labours he submitted only for his country. 

Rulers of the world ! Learn from Washington wherein 
true glory consists— Restrain your ambition— Consider your 
power as an obligation to do good — Let the world have 
peace, and prepare for yourselves, the enjoyment of that 
ecstatick pleasure which will result from devoting all your 
energies to the advancement of human happiness. 

Citizens of the United States ! While with grateful hearts 
you recollect the virtues of your Washington, carry your 
thoughts one step farther. On a review of his life, and of 
all the circumstances of the times in which he lived, you 
must be convinced, that a kind Providence in its beneficence 
raised him, and endowed him with extraordinary virtues, 
to be to you an instrument of great good. None but such 
a man could have carried you successfully through the revo- 
lutionary times which tried men's souls, and ended in the 
establishment of your independence. None but such a man 
could have braced up your government after it had become 
so contemptible, from the imbecility of the federal system. 
None but such a man could have saved your country from 
being plunged into war, either with the greatest naval power 
in Europe, or with that which is most formidable by land, 
in consequence of your animosity against the one, and your 
partiality in favour of the other. 

Youths of the United States ! Learn from Washington 
what may be done by an industrious improvement of your 
talents, and the cultivation of your moral powers. Without 
any extraordinary advantages from birth, fortune, patronage, 
or even of education, he by virtue and industry, attained the 
highest seat in the temple of fame. You cannot all be com- 
manders of armies or chief magistrates ; but you may all 
resemble him in the virtues of private and domestick life, in 
which he excelled, and in which he most delighted. Equally 
industrious with his plough as his sword, he esteemed idle- 
ness and inutility as the greatest disgrace of man, whose 



252 THE LIFE OP 

powers attain perfection only by constant and vigorous 
action. . Washington, in private life, was as amiable as 
virtuous ; and as great as he appeared sublime, on the pub- 
lick theatre of the world. He lived in the discharge of all 
the civil, social, and domestick offices of life. He was tem- 
perate in his desires, and faithful to his duties. For more 
than forty years of happy wedded love, his high example 
strengthened the tone of publick manners. He had more real 
enjoyment in the bosom of his family, than in the pride of 
military command, or in the pomp of sovereign power. 

On the whole, his life affords the brightest model for imi- 
tation, not only to warriours and statesmen, but to private 
citizens ; for his character was a constellation of all the- 
talents and virtues which dignify or adorn human nature. 

" He was a man, take him for all in all, »■ 

We ne'er shall look upon his like again." 

Shakspeare.,. 



APPENDIX 



(No. I.) 
[Referred to in page 142.] 



TO THE UNITED STATES, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 

The Address and Petition of the Officers of the Army of the United 
StateSy 

HUMBLY SHOWETH — 

That we, the Officers of the Army of the United States, in behalf 
of ourselves and our brethren the Soldiers, beg leave, with all proper 
deference and respect, freely to state to Congress, the supreme power 
of the United States, the great distress under which we labour. 

At this period of the war, it is with peculiar pain we find ourselves 
constrained to address your august body, on matters of a pecuniary 
•lature. We have struggled with our difficulties year after year, under 
the hopes that each would be the last; but we have been disappointed. 
We find our embarrassments thicken so fast, and have become so 
complex, that many of us are unable to go further. In this exigence 
we apply to Congress for relief, as our head and sovereign. 

To prove that our hardships are exceedingly disproportionate to 
those of any other citizens of America, let a recurrence be had to the 
paymaster's accounts, for four years past. If to this it should be 
objected, that the respective states have made settlements, and givten 
securities for the pay due for part of that time, let the present value 
of those nominal obligations be ascertained by the moneyed men, and 
they will be found to be worth little indeed ; and yet, trifling as they 
are, many have been under the sad necessity of parting with them, 
to prevent their families from actually starving. 

We complain that shadows have been offi;red to us, while the sub- 
stance has been gleaned by others. Our situation compels us to 
search for the cause of our extreme poverty. The citizens murmur 
at the greatness of their taxes, and are astonished that no part reaches 
the army. The numerous demands which are between the first col. 
lectors and the soldiers, swallow up the whole. Our distresses are 
now brought to a point. We have borne all that men can bear — our 
property is expended — our private resources are at an end — and our 
friends are wearied out and disgusted with our incessant applications, 

22* 



254 APPENDIX. 

We therefore most seriously and earnestly beg, that a supply of money 
may be forwarded to the army, as soon as possible. The uneasiness 
of the soldiers, for want of pay, is great and dangerous ; any further 
experiment on their patience, may have fatal effects. The promised 
subsistence or ration of provisions, consisted of certain articles speci- 
fied in kind and quality. This ration, without regard, that we can 
conceive, to the health of the troops, has been frequently altered, as 
necessity or conveniency suggested — generally losing by the change 
some part of its substance. On an average, not more than seven or 
eight tenths have been issued ; the retained parts were, for a short 
time, paid for ; but the business became troublesome to those who 
were to execute it. For this, or some other reason, all regard to the 
dues, as they respected the soldiers, has been discontinued, (now and 
then a trifling gratuity excepted.) As these dues respected the offi- 
cers, they were compensated during one year and part of another, by 
an extra ration. As to the retained rations, the account for severstl 
years remains unsettled; there is a large balance due upon it, and a 
considerable sum for that of forage. 

The clothing was another part of the soldier's hire. The arrear- 
ages on that score, for the year 1777, were paid off in continental 
money, when the dollar was worth about fourpence ; the arrearages 
for the following years, are unliquidated, and we apprehend, scarcely 
thought of, but by the army. Whenever there has been a real want 
of means, and defect in system, or neglect in execution, in the depart- 
ments of the army, we have invariable been the sufferers, by hunger 
and nakedness, and by languishing in an hospital. We beg leave to 
urge an immediate adjustment of all dues ; that as great a part as 
possible be paid, and the remainder put on such a footing as will re- 
store cheerfulness to the army, receive confidence in the justice and 
generosity of its constituents, and contribute to the very desirable ef- 
fect of re-establishing publick credit. We are grieved to find, that our 
brethren, who retired from service on half pay, under the resolution of 
Congress, 1780, are not only destitute of any effectual provision, but 
are become the objects of obloquy. Their condition has a very dis- 
couraging aspect on us, who must sooner or later retire, and from 
every consideration of justice, gratitude, and policy, demands atten- 
tion and redress. We regard the act of Congress, respecting half 
pay, as an honourable and just recompense for several years hard ser- 
vice, in which the health and fortunes of the officers have been worn 
down and exhausted. We see with chagrin, the odious point of view, 
in which the citzens of too many of the states endeavour to place the 
men entitled to it. We hope, for the honour of human nature, that 
there are none so hardened in the sin of ingratitude, as to deny the 
justice of the reward. We have reason to believe, that the objection 
generally is against the mode only. To prevent, therefore, any alter- 
cations and distinctions, which may tend to injure that harmony 
which we ardently desire may reign throughout the community, we 
are willing to commute the half pay pledged, for full pay, for a certain 
number of years, or for a sum in gross, as shall be agreed to by the 
committee sent with this address. And in this we pray, that the dis- 
abled officers and soldiers, with the widows and orphans of those who 



APPENDIX. 255 

have expended, or may expend, their lives in the service of their 
country, may be fully comprehended. We also beg, that some mode 
may be pointed out for the eventual payment of those soldiers, who 
are the subjects of the resolution of Congress of the 15th May, 1778. 
To the representation now made, the army have not a doubt that Con- 
gress will pay all that attention, which the serious nature of it requires. 
It would be criminal in the officers to conceal the geneal dissatisfac- 
tion which prevails, and is gaining ground in the army, from the 
pressure of evils and injuries, which, in the course of seven long years, 
have made their condition, in many instances, wretched. They there- 
fore entreat that Congress, to convince the army and the world, that 
the independence of America shall not be placed on the ruin of any par- 
ticular class of her citizens, will point out a mode of immediate re- 
s. 

H. Knox, Major.General, 1 

John Patterson, Brigadier-Gen. \ ^ ., ^ j- ^i tu- 

J. Greaton, Colonel, i ^« *^' f^^f *!"' ^''''^' 

John Crane. Colonel. | ^^"*^"* ^*^^- 

H. Maxwell, Lieutenant-Colonel, J 

J. Huntington, Brigadier-General, ^ 

H. Swift, Colonel, \0n the part of the Ccnnec- 

Samuel B. Webb, Colonel, j ticut line. 

E. Huntington, Lieutenant-Col. J 

P. Cortlandt, Colonel, on the part of the New York line. 

John N. Cummings, Lieutenant-Colonel, l ^"^ '^"/°^' f *^' ^'"^ 

^ Jersey line. 

William Scott, Major, on the part of the New Hampshire line. 

W. EusTis, Hospital Surgeon, on the part of the general hospital., 

MozEs Hazen, Brigadier-General. 

Cantonments, Hudson's River, Dec. 1782. 



256 APPENDIX. 



(No. II.) 
[Referred to in page 164.] 



FAREWELL ADDRESS OF GEN. WASHINGTON, TO THE 
ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Rocky Hill, near Princeton, Nov. 2, 1783. 
The United States in Congress assembled, after giving the most 
honourable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, and present, 
ing them with the thanks of their country, for their long, eminent, and 
faithful service, having thought proper, by their proclamation, bearmg 
date the 18th of October last, to discharge such part of the troops as 
were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on furlough to 
retire from service, from and after to-morrow ; which proclamation 
having been communicated in the publick papers, for the information 
and government of all concerned, it only remains for the Commander 
in Chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to 
the armies of the United States, (however widely dispersed individuals 
who compose them may be,) and to bid them an affectionate — a long 
farewell. 

But before the Commander in Chief takes his final leave of those he 
holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in calling 
to mind a slight view of the past : — he will then take the liberty of 
exploring, with his military friends, their future prospects ; of advising 
the general line of conduct, which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued ; 
and he will conclude the address, by expressing the obligations he feels 
himself under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced 
from them, in the performance of an arduous office. 

A contemplation of the complete attainment, (at a period earlier 
than could have been expected,) of the object for which we contended, 
against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment 
and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on our part, 
under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The 
signal interpositions of Providence, in our feeble condition, were such 
as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving ; while 
the unparalleled perseverance of the armies of the United States, 
through almost every possible suffering and discouragement, for the 
space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle. 

It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this address, to 
detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to describe 
the distresses which, in several instances, have resulted from the ex- 
tremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigours of an 
inclement season : nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of 
our past affairs. 



APPENDIX. 257 

Every American officer and soldier must now console himself for 
any unpleasant circumstance which may have occurred, by a recol- 
lection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no 
inglorious part, and the astonishing events of which he has been a wit- 
ness — events which have seldom, if ever before, taken place on the stage 
of human action ; nor can they probably ever happen again. For who 
has before seen a disciplined army formed at once from such raw 
materials ? Who that was not a witness could imagine that the most 
violent local prejudices would cease so soon, and that men who came 
from the different parts of the continent, strongly disposed by the habits 
of education to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly be- 
come but one patriotick band of brothers ? Or who that was not on the 
spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolution has 
been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils ? 

It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged prospects of happi- 
ness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, 
almost exceed the power of description : and shall not the brave men 
who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, 
retiring victorious from the field of war to the field of agriculture, 
participate in all the blessings which have been obtained ? In such a 
republick, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens, and the 
fruits of their labours ? In such a country, so happily circumstanced, 
the pursuits of commerce, and the cultivation of the soil, will unfold 
to industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers 
who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford 
ample and profitable employment ; and the extensive and fertile re- 
gions of the west, will yield a most happy asylum to those who, fond 
of domestick enjoyment, are seeking personal independence. Nor is 
it possible to conceive that any one of the United States will prefer a 
national bankruptcy, and the dissolution of the Union, to a compliance 
with the requisitions of Congress, and the payment of its just debts ; 
so that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance, in 
recommencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to them 
from the publick, which must and will most inevitably be paid. 

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and remove the prejudices 
which may have taken possession of the minds of any of the good peo- 
ple of the states, it is earnestly recommended to all the troops, that, 
with strong attachment to the Union, they should carry with them 
into civil society the most conciliating dispositions, and that they 
should prove themselves not less virtuous and useful as citizens, than 
they have been victorious as soldiers. What though there should be 
some envious individuals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the pub- 
lick has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit ; yet, let such 
unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance of intern, 
perate conduct. Let it be remembered, that the unbiassed voice of 
the free citizens of the United States, has promised the just reward, 
and given the merited applause. Let it be known and remembered, 
that the reputation of the federal armies is established beyond the 
reach of malevolence ; and let a consciousness of their achievments 
and fame, still excite the men who composed them to honourable> 
actions, under the persuasion that the private virtues of econojny, pru, 
dence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the 



258 APPENDIX. 

more splendid qualities of valour, perseverance, and enterprise, were 
in the field. Every one may rest assured, that much, very much of 
the future happiness of the officers and men, will depend upon the 
wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by them, when they 
are mingled with the great body of the community. And, although 
the General has so frequently given it as his opinion, in the most pub- 
lick and explicit manner, that unless the principles of the federal gov- 
ernment were properly supported, and the powers of the Union 
increased, the honour, dignity, and justice of the nation, would be 
lost for ever ; yet he cannot help repeating, on this occasion so inte- 
resting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every 
officer and every soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious 
point of light, to add his best endeavours to those of his worthy fellow- 
citizens, towards effecting these great and valuable purposes, on which 
our very existence as a nation so materially depends. 

The Commander in Chief conceives little is now wanting to enable 
the soldier to change the military character into that of the citizen, but 
that steady, decent tenor of behaviour, which has generally distinguish- 
ed not only the army under his immediate command, but the different 
detachments and armies, through the course of the war. From their 
good sense and prudence he anticipates the happiest consequences ; and 
while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion which renders 
their service in the field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the 
strong obligations he feels himself under, for the assistance he has re- 
ceived from every class, and in every instance. He presents his 
thanks in the most serious and affectionate manner, to the general 
officers, as well for their counsels on many interesting occasions, as 
for their ardour in promoting the success of the plans he had adopted — 
to the commandants of regiments, and corps, and to the other officers, 
for their zeal and attention in carrying his orders promptly into execu- 
tion — to the staff, for their alacrity and exactness in performing the 
duties of their several departments ; and to the non-commissioned 
officers and private soldiers, for their extraordinary patience and suf- 
fering, as well as their invincible fortitude in action. To the various 
branches of the army, the General takes this last and solemn oppor- 
tunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He 
wishes more than bare professions were in his power, that he was 
really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself, 
however, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could 
with propriety be attempted by him, has been done. 

And being now to conclude these his last publick orders, to take 
his ultimate leave in a short time of the military character, and to bid 
a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honour to command, 
he can only again offer in their behalf, his recommendations to their 
grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample 
justice be done them here, and may the choicest of heaven's favours, 
both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the divine auspices, 
have secured innumerable blessings for others. With these wishes, 
and this benediction, the Commander in Chief is about to retire from 
service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the mili- 
tary scene to him will be closed for ever. 



APPENDIX. 259 



^No. III.) 
GEN. WASHINGTON'S WILL. 



VIRGINIA, Fairfax, ss. 

/, George Deneale, Clerk of Fairfax County Court, do certify, That 
the subsequent copy of the last Will and Testament of George 
Washington, deceased, late President of the United States of 
America, with the Schedule annexed, is a true copy from the 
original, recorded in my office. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, this 23d 
day of January, 1800. 

George Deneale, C. F. C. 



IN THE NAME OF GOD, Amen. 

I, George Washington, of Mount Vernon, a citizen of the United 
States, and lately President of the same. Do make, ordain, and declare 
this Instrument, which is written with my own hand, and every page 
thereof subscribed with my name,* to be my last will and testament, 
revoking all others. 

Impritnus. — All my debts, of which there are but few, Sind none of 
magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid; and the legacies 
herein after bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circumstances 
will permit, and in the manner directed. 

Item. — To my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washington, I give and 
bequeath the use, profit, and benefit of my whole estate, real and per. 
sonal, for the term of her natural life, except such parts thereof as are 
specially disposed of hereafter. My improved lot in the town of Alex, 
andria, situated on Pitt and Cameron streets, I give to her and her 
heirs for ever ; as I also do my household and kitchen furniture of 
every sort and kind, with the liquors and groceries which may be on 
hand at the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of as she may 
think proper. 

Item. — Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire, that 
all the slaves which I hold in my own right, shall receive their freedom. 
To emancipate them during her life, would, though earnestly wished 
by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of 

* In the original manuscript, George Washingtoh'b name is written 
at the bottom of every page. 



260 APPENDIX. 

their intermixture by marriages with the dower negroes, as to excite 
the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences to the 
latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same pro* 
prietor ; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower 
negroes are held, to manumit them. And whereas, among those who 
will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some who, 
from old age or bodily infirmities, and others who, on account of their 
infancy, will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire, 
that all who come under the first and second description, shall be 
comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live : and that 
such of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if living, 
are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the 
court until they shall arrive at the age of 25 years ; and in cases where 
no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the 
judgment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be 
adequate and final. The negroes thus bound, are, (by their masters 
Or mistresses,) to be taught to read and write, and bfe brought up to 
some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the commonwealth 
of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor chil- 
dren. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out 
of the said commonwealth, of any slave I may die possessed of, under 
any pretence whatsoever. And I do moreover most pointedly and 
most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors hereafter named, or the 
survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every 
part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed 
to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which 
may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects 
the aged and infirm ; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be 
established for their support as long as they are subjects requiring it, 
not trusting to the uncertain provision made by individuals — And, to 
my mulatto man, William, (calling himself William Lee,) I give im- 
mediate freedom, or if he should prefer it, (on account of the accidents 
Which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of 
walking, or of any active employment,) to remain in the situation he 
now is, it shall be optional in him to do so ; in either case, however, 
I allow him an annuity of 30 dollars during his natural life, which 
shall be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed 
to receive, if he chooses the latter alternative ; but in full with his 
freedom, if he prefers the first ; and this I give him as a testimony of 
my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during 
the revolutionary war. 

Item. — To the trustees, (governours, or by whatsoever other name 
they may be designated,) of the academy in the town of Alexandria, I 
give and bequeath, in trust, 4000 dollars, or in other words, 20 of the 
shares which I hold in the bank of Alexandria, towards the support of 
a, free school, established at, and annexed to, the said academy, for the 
purpose of educating orphan children, or the children of such other 
poor and indigent persons as are unable to accomplish it with their own 
means, and who, in the judgement of the trustees of the said seminary, 
are best entitled to the benefit of this donation. The aforesaid twenty 
shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity, the dividends only of which 



APPENDIX. 261 

tte to be drawn for and applied by tbe said trustees, for the time being, 
for the uses above mentioned ; the stock to remain entire and untouched, 
unless indications of failure of the said bank should be so apparent, or a 
discontinuance thereof, should render a removal of this fund necessary. 
In either of these cases, the amount of the stock here devised is to be 
vested in some other bank, or publick institution, whereby the interest 
may with regularity and certainty be drawn and applied as above. 
And, to prevent misconception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared 
to be, that these twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, 
the lOOOL given by a missive letter some years ago, in consequence 
whereof an annuity of 501. has since been paid towards the support 
of this institution. 

Item. — Whereas, by a law of the commonwealth of Virginia, enacted 
in the year 1785, the legislature thereof was pleased, (as an evidence 
of its approbation of the services I had rendered the publick during 
the revolution, and partly, I believe, in consideration of my having 
suggested the vast advantages which the community would derive 
from the extension of its inland navigation, under legislative patron, 
age,) to present me with 100 shares of 100 dollars each, in the incor, 
porated company established for the purpose of extending the naviga- 
tion of James River, from the tide-water to the mountains ; and also 
with 50 shares of lOOZ. sterling each, in the corporation of another 
company, likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the 
navigation of the river Potomack, from the tide-water to Fort Cumber- 
land ; the acceptance of which, although the offer was liighly honoura- 
ble and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a 
principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from — namely, 
not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I could render 
my country in its arduous struggle with Great Britain for its righte, 
and because I had evaded similar propositions from other states in the 
Union ; adding to this refusal, however, an intimation, that, if it should 
be the pleasure of the legislature to permit me to appropriate the said 
ehares to publick uses, I would receive them on those terms with due 
sensibility ; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms, as will 
appear by a subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most am- 
ple and honourable manner — I proceed, after this recital, for the more 
correct understanding of the case, to declare. That as it has always 
been a source of serious regret with me, to see the youth of these 
United States sent to foreign countries for the purposes of education, 
often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any ade- 
quate ideas of the happiness of their own ; contracting, too frequently, 
not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles un- 
friendly to republican government, and to the true and genuine liberties 
of mankind, which, thereafter, are rarely overcome. For these rea- 
sons, it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised, on a liberal scale, 
which would have a tendency to spread systematick ideas through all 
parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and 
Btate prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed 
ought to admit, from our national councils. Looking anxiously for- 
ward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is, (in my 
estimation,) my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more 
23 



262 APPENDIX. 

likely to effect the measure, than the establishment of a university in 
a central part of the United States, to which the youths of fortune 
and talents from all parts thereof, might be sent for the completion of 
tlieir education in all the branches of polite literature, in the arts and 
sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politicks and 
good government ; and, as a matter of infinite importance in my judg- 
ment, by associating with each other, and forming friendships in juve- 
nile years, be enabled to free themselves, in a proper degree, from those 
local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been men- 
tioned, and which, when carried to excess, are never-failing sources 
of disquietude to the publick mind, and pregnant of mischievous con- 
Sequences to this country. — Under these impressions, so fully dilated. 

Item. — I give and bequeath, in perpetuity, the 50 shares which I 
hold in the Potomack Company, (under the aforesaid acts of the legis- 
lature of Virginia,) towards the endowment of a university, to be estab- 
lished within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices 
ojf the general government, if that government should incline to extend 
a fostering hand towards it; and until such seminary is established, 
and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, 
my further will and desire is, that the profit accruing therefrom, shall, 
whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in purchasing stock in 
the bank of Columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my exe- 
cutors, or by the treasurer of the United States for the time being, un- 
der the direction of Congress, provided that honourable body should 
patronise the measure ; and the dividends proceeding from the pur- 
chase of such stock are to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a 
sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained, of 
which I have not the smallest doubt before many years pass away, 
even if no aid or encouragement is given by legislative authority, or 
from any other source. 

Item. — The hundred shares which I hold in the James River Com- 
pany, 1 have given, and now confirm, in perpetuity, to and for the use 
and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the county of Rockbridge, 
in the commonwealth of Virginia. 

Item. — I release, exonerate, and discharge, the estate of my deceased 
brother, Samuel Washington, from the payment of the money which 
is due to me for the land I sold to Philip Pendleton, (lying in the 
county of Berekley,) who assigned the same to him, the said Samuel^ 
who, by agreement, was to pay me therefor : and whereas by some 
contract, (the purport of which was never communicated to me,) be- 
tween the said Samuel and his son Thornton Washington, the latter 
became possessed of the aforesaid land, without any conveyance hav- 
ing passed from me, either to the said Pendleton, the said Samuel, or 
the said Thornton, and without any consideration having been made, 
by which neglect, neither the legal nor equitable title has been aliena- 
ted ; it rests therefore with me, to declare my intentions concerning the 
premises : and these are, to give and bequeath the said land to whom- 
soever the said Thornton Washington, (who is also dead,) devised the 
same, or to his heirs for ever, if he died intestate, exonerating the estate 
of the said Thornton, equally with that of the said Samuel, from pay- 
ment of the purchase money, which, with interest, agreeably to the 



APPENDIX, 263 

original contract with the said Pendleton, would amount to more 
than 1000/. And whereas, two other sons of my said deceased brother 
Samuel, namely George Steptoe Washington, and Lawrence Agustine 
Washington, were, by the decease of those to whose care they were 
committed, brought under my protection, and, in consequence, have oc 
casioned advances on my part for their education at college and other 
schools, and for their board, clothing, and other incidental expenses, to 
the amount of near 5000 dollars, over and above the sums furnished 
by their estate ; which sum it may be inconvenient for them or their 
father's estate to refund — I do for these reasons, acquit them and the 
said estate from the payment thereof; my intention being, that all ac- 
counts between them and me, and their father's estate and me, shall 
stand balanced. 

Item. — The balance due to me from the estate of Bartholomew 
Dandridge, deceased, (my wife's brother,) and which amounted, on 
the first day of October, 1795, to 425Z. (as will appear by an account 
rendered by his deceased son, John Dandridge, who was the acting 
executor of his father's will,) I release and acquit from the payment 
thereof. And the negroes, (then 33 in number,) formerly belonging to 
the said estate, who were taken in execution, sold, and purchased in on 
my account, in the year , and ever since have remained in the pos- 
session and to the use of Mary, widow of the said Barth. Dandridge^ 
with their increase, it is my will and desire, shall continue and be in 
her possession, without paying hire, or making compensation for the 
same, for the time past or to come, during her natural life ; at the ex- 
piration of which, I direct, that all of them who are 40 years old and 
upwards, shall receive their freedom ; all under that age and above 
16, shall serve seven years, and no longer; and all under 16 years, 
shall serve until they are 25 years of age, and then be free. And to 
avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they are 
to be taken into the court of the county in which they reside, and the 
judgement thereof, in this relation, shall be final, and record thereof 
made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time hereafter, if 
disputes should arise concerning the same. And I further direct, that 
the heirs of the said Barth. Dandridge, shall equally share the benefits 
arising from the services of the said negroes, according to the tenour 
of this devise, upon the decease of their mother. 

Item. — If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my niece Betty 
Lewis, is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me 
in the town of Fredericksburg, it is my will and desire, that my exec- 
utors shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to 
render it perfect. 

Item. — To my nephew, William Augustine Washington, and his 
heirs, (if he should conceive them to be objects worth prosecuting,) 
a lot in the town of Manchester, (opposite to Richmond,) No 265, 
drawn on my sole account, and also the tenth of 1 or 200 acre lots, and 
two or three half-acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, drawn 
in partnership with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceased 
William Bird, are given ; as is also a lot which I purchased of John 
Hood, conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon, trustees of 
the said John Hood, numbered 139, in the town of Edinburgh, in the 
county of Prince George, state of Virginia. 



264 APPENDIX. 

Item. — To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, I give and bequeatJs 
all the papers in my possession which relate to my civil and military 
administration of the affairs of this country ; I leave to him also such 
of my private papers as are worth preserving; and, at the decease of 
my wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and 
bequeath my library of books and pamphlets of every kind. 

Item. — Having, sold lands which I possessed in the state of Pennsyl- 
vania, and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton, late 
governour of New York ; my share of land and interest in the Great 
Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the county of 
Gloucester — withholding the legal titles thereto, until the consideration 
money should be paid — and having moreover leased, and conditionally 
sold, (as will appear by the tenor of the said leases,) all my lands upon 
the Great Kenhawa, and a tract upon Difficult Run, in the county of 
Loudon, it is my will and direction, that whensoever the contracts are 
fully and respectively complied with, according to the spirit, true in- 
tent, and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or 
assigns, that then and in that case, conveyances are to be made agree- 
able to the terms of the said contracts, and the money arising there- 
from, when paid, to be vested in bank stock ; the dividends whereof, 
as of that also which is already vested therein, is to inure to my said 
wife during her life ; but the stock itself is to remain and be subject 
to the general distribution hereafter directed. 

Item. — To the Earl of Buchan, I recommit " the box made of the 
oak that sheltered the brave Sir William Wallace after the battle of 
Falkirk," presented to me by his lordship in terms too flattering for 
me to repeat, with a request " to pass it, on the event of ray decease, 
to the njjan in my country who should appear to merit it best, upon 
the same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." — Whether 
easy or not, to select the. man who might comport with his lordship's 
opinion in this respect, is not for me to say ; but conceiving that no 
disposition af this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the re- 
commitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design 
of the Goldsmith's Company of Edinburgh, who presented it to him, 
and, at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me — I 
do give and bequeath the same to his lordship ; and, in case of his de- 
cease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished hon- 
our of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favourable sen- 
timents with which he accompanied it. 

Item. — To my brother, Charles Washington, I give and bequeath 
the gold-headed cane left me by Dr. Franklin, in his will. I add 
nothing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his issue. 
To the acquaintances, and friends of my juvenile years, Lawrence 
Washington and Robert Washington, of Chotanct, I give my other two 
gold-headed canes, having my arms engraved on them ; and to each, 
(as they will be useful where they live,) I leave one of the spyglasses, 
which constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my 
compatriot in arms,. and old and intimate friend. Dr. Craik, I give my 
bureau, or, as the cabinet-makers call it, tambour-secretary, and the cir- 
cular chair, an appendage of my study. To Dr. David Stewart, I give 
my large shaving and dressing table, and my telescope. To the Rev- 



APPENDIX. 265 

erend, now Bryan Lord Fairfax^ I give a Bible, in three large folio 
volumes, with notes, presented to me by the Rt. Rev. Thomas Wilson, 
bishop of Sodor and Man. To Gen. De La Fayette, I give a pair of 
finely wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary 
war. To my sisters-in-law, Hannah Washington and Mildred Wash, 
ington — to my friends, Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington, of Fair- 
field, and Elizabeth Washington, of Hayfield, I give each a mourning 
ring of the value of 100 dollars. These bequests are not made for the 
intrinsick value of them, but as mementos of my esteem and regard. 
To Tobias Lear, I give the use of the farm which he now holds, in virtue 
of a lease from me to him and his deceased wife, (for and during their 
natural lives,) free from rent during his life ; at the expiration of which 
it is to be disposed of as is hereinafter directed. To Sally B. Haynie, 
(a distant relation of mine,) I give and bequeath 300 dollars. To Sa. 
rah Green, daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, and to Ann 
Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased, I give each 100 dol- 
lars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to me, each of 
whom having lived nearly 40 years in my family. To each of my 
nephews, William Augustine Washington, George Levns, George 
Steptoe Washington, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel Washington, 
I give one of the swords, or cutteaux, of which I may die possessed ; 
and they are to choose in the order they are named. These swords 
are accompanied with an injunction, not to unsheath them for the 
purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self-defence, or in defence 
of their country and its rights ; and, in the latter case, to keep them 
unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands, to the relin- 
quishment thereof. 

And now, having gone through these specifick devises, with expla- 
nations for the more correct understanding of the meaning and design 
of them, I proceed to the distribution of the more important parts of 
my estate, in manner following : — 

First. — To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, and his heirs, (partly 
in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were 
bachelors and he had kindly undertaken to superintend my estate 
during my military services in the former war between Great-Britain 
and France, that if I should fall therein, Mount Vernon, then less 
extensive in domain than at present, should become his property,) I 
give and bequeath all that part thereof which is comprehended within 
the following limits, viz. Beginning at the ford of Dogue Run, near 
my mill, and extending along the road, and bounded thereby, as it now 
goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of 
Little Hunting Creek, at the Gum Spring, until it comes to a knowl 
opposite to an old road which formerly passed through the lower field 
of Muddy-hole farm, at which, on the north side of the said road, are 
three red or Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed — 
thence by a line of trees to be marked rectangular, to the back line 
or outer boundary of the tract between Thomas Mason and myself — 
thence with that line easterly, (now double ditching, with a post and 
rail fence thereon,) to the run of Little Hunting Creek — thence with 
that run, which is the boundary between the lands of the late H. 
Peake and me, to the tide-water of the said creek — thence by that water 

23* 



266 APPENDIX. 

to Potomack River— thence with the River to the mouth of Dogue Creek, 
and thence with the said Dogue Creek to the place of beginning at 
the aforesaid ford : containing upwards of 4000 acres, be the same 
more or less, together with the mansion house and all other builuings 
and improvements thereon. 

Second. — In consideration of the consanguinity between them and 
my wife, being as nearly related to her as to myself, as on account of 
the affection I had for, and the obligation I was under to, their father, 
when living, who from his youth had attached himself to my person, 
and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late revolution, 
afterwards devoting his time to the superintendance of my private 
concerns for many years, whilst my publick employments rendered it 
impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby affording me essential 
services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial and 
respectful — For these reasons, I say, I give and bequeath to Gemge 
Fayette Washington, and Lawrence Augustine Washington, and their 
heirs, my estate east of Little Hunting Creek, lyi'ng on the river Poto- 
mack, including the farm of 360 acres, leased to Tobias Lear, as 
noticed before, and containing in the whole, by deed, two thousand and 
twenty-seven acres, be it more or less ; which said estate it is my will 
and desire should be equitably and advantageously divided between 
them, according to quantity, quality, and other circumstances, when 
the youngest shall have arrived at the age of 21 years, by three judi- 
cious and disinterested men ; one to be chosen by each of the brothers, 
and the third by these two. In the mean time, if the termination of 
my wife's interest therein should have ceased, tlie profits arising 
therefrom are to be applied for their joint uses and benefit. 

Third. — And whereas, it has always been my intention, since my 
expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grandchildren 
of my wife in the same light as I do my own relations, and to act a 
friendly part by them, more especially by the two whom we have 
raised from their earliest infancy — namely, Eleanor Park Custis, and 
George Washington Park Custis; and whereas, the former of these 
hath lately intermarried with Lawrence Lewis, a son of my deceased 
sister Betty Lewis, by which union the inducement to provide for them 
both has been increased ; wherefore I give and bequeath to the said Law- 
rence Leuris, and Eleanor Pai-kLewishis wife, and their heirs, the resi- 
due of my Mount Vernon estate, not already devised to my nephew, 
Bushrod Washington, comprehended within the following description, 
viz. All the land north of the road leading from the ford of Dogue Run 
to the Gum Spring, as described in the devise of the other part of the 
tract to Bushrod Washington, until it comes to the stone, and three 
red or Spanish oaks on the knowl ; thence with the rectangular line 
to the back line, (between Mr. Mason and me ;) thence with that line 
westerly along the new double ditch to Dogue Run, by the tumbling 
dam of my mill ; thence with the said run to the ford afore mentioned : 
to which I add all the land I possess west of the said Dogue Run and 
Dogue Creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby ; together with 
the mill, distillery, and all other houses and improvements on the 
premises ; making together about 2,000 acres, be it more or less. 
Fourth. — Actuated by the principle already mentioned, I give and 



APPENDIX. 267 

bequeath to George Washington Park Custis, the grandson of my 
wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold on Four Mile 
Run, in the vicinity of Alexandria, containing 1,200 acres, more or 
less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city of Washington, 

Fifth. — All the rest and residue of my estate, real and personal, not 
disposed of in manner aforesaid, in whatsoever consisting, whereso- 
ever lying, and wheresoever found, (a schedule of which, as far as is 
recollected, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereunto an- 
nexed,) I desire may be sold by my executors, at such times, in such 
manner, and on such credits, (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory dis- 
tribution of the specifick property cannot be made without,) as in 
their judgement shall be most conducive to the interest of the parties 
concerned, and the moneys arising therefrom to be divided into twenty- 
three equal parts, and applied as follows, viz. To William Augustine 
Washington, Elizabeth Spotswood, Jane Thornton, and the heirs of 
Ann Ashton, son and daughters of my deceased brother Augustine 
Washington, I give and bequeath four parts, that is, one part to each 
of them : To Fielding Lewis, George Lewis, Robert Lewis, Howell 
Lewis, and Betty Carter, sons and daughter of my deceased sister 
Betty Lewis, I give and bequeath five other parts, one to each of them : 
To George Steptoe Washington, Lawrence A. Washington, Harriet 
Parks, and the heirs of Thornton Washington, sons and daughter of 
my deceased brother Samuel Washington, I give and bequeath the other 
four parts, one part to each of them : To Corbin Washington, and the 
heirs of Jane Washington, son and daughter of my diseased brother 
John A. Washington, I give and bequeath two parts, one part to each 
of them : To Sainuel Washington, Frances Ball, and Mildred Ham- 
mond, son and daughters of my brother Charles Washington, I give 
and bequeath three parts, one part to each of them ; and to Geo. F. 
Washington, Charles Aug. Washington, and Maria Washington, sons 
and daughter of my deceased nephew Geo. A. Washington, I give 
one other part, that is, to each a third of that part : To Eliz. Park 
Law, Martha Park Peter, and Eleanor Park Lewis, I give and bequeath 
three other parts, that is, a part to each of them : and to my nephews, 
Bushrod Washington and Law. Lewis, and to my ward, the grandson 
of my wife, I give and bequeath one other part, that is, a third there, 
of to each of them. And if it should so happen, that any of the 
persons whose names are here enumerated, (unknown to me,) should 
now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these cases, 
the heirs of such deceased persons shall, notwithstanding, derive all 
the benefits of the bequest, in the same manner as if he or she was 
actually living at the time. And by way of advice, I recommend to 
my executors not to be precipitate in disposing of the landed property, 
(therein directed to be sold,) if from temporary causes the sale there- 
of should be dull ; experience having fully evinced, that the price of 
land, especially above the falls of the rivers and on the western waters, 
has been progressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its in- 
creasing value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the le- 
gatees, (under this clause of my will,) as can make it convenient, to 
take a share of my stock in the Potomack Company, in preference to 
the amount of what it might sell for — being thoroughly convinced my- 



268 APPENDIX. 

self, that no uses to which the money can be applied, will be bo pro. 
ductive as the tolls arising from this navigation when in full operation, 
(and this from the nature of things, it must be ere long,) and more 
especially if that of the Shenandoah is added thereto. 

The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and being im- 
properly situated besides, I desire that a new one of brick, and upon 
a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the 
Vineyard Enclosure, on the ground which is marked out — in which 
my remains, with those of my deceased relations, (now in the old 
vault,) and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed 
there, may be deposited. And it is my express desire, that my corpse 
may be interred in a private manner, without parade or funeral 
oration. 

Lastly. — I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife, Martha 
Washington, my nephews William Augustine Washington, Bushrod 
Washington, George Steptoe Washington, Samuel Washington, and 
Lawrence Lewis, and my ward George Washington Park Custis^ 
(when he shall have arrived at the age of twenty years,) executrix 
and executors of this my will and testament — in the construction 
of which, it will readily be perceived, that no professional character 
has been consulted, or has had any agency in the draught ; and, that 
although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to digest, and to 
throw It into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude 
and incorrect — but having endeavoured to be plain and explicit in all 
the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, I 
hope and trust, that no disputes will arise concerning them ; but if, 
contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise from the want 
of legal expression, or the usual technical terms, or because too much 
or too little has been said on any of the devises to be consonant with 
law, my will and direction expressly is, that all disputes, (if unhappily 
any should arise,) shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent 
men, known for their probity and good understanding — two to be 
chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third 
by those two — which three men thus chosen shall, unfettered by law 
or legal constructions, declare the sense of the testator's intentions ; 
*nd such decision is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on 
the parties as if it had been given in the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 

In witness of all and each of the things herein contained, I 
have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of July, in the 
year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,* and of the 
independence of the United States the twenty-fourth. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

* It appears the testator omitted the word nine. 



APPENDIX. 



269 



SCHEDULE 



Of Property comprehended in the foregoing Will, directed to he sold, 
and some of it conditionally is sold — with descriptive and explanatory 
notes thereto. 





IN VIRGINIA. 








Acres. Price. 


Dollars. 


Loudon Co. Difficult Run, 




300 


6,666a 


Loudon and Faquier, 








Ashby's Bent, 




2,481 lOd. 24,810 


!& 


Chattin's Run, 




885 8 7,080 


Berkley, S. fork of Bouliskin, 


1,600 




Head of Evan's m. 




453 




In Wormley's line, 




183 








2,236 20 


44,720c 


Frederick, bought from Mercer, 


571 20 


ll,420i 


Hampshire, on Potoraack 


River, 






above B. 




240 15 


3,600e 


Gloucester, on North River 


» 


400 about 


3,600/ 


Nansemond, near Suffolk, > 


one third 






of 1,119 acres. 




373 8 


2,984^ 


Great Dismal Swamp, my 


dividend 






thereof. 




about 


20,000A 


Ohio River, Round Bottomj 




587 




Little Kenhawa, 




2,314 




Sixteen miles lower down, 




2,448 




Opposite Big Bent, 




4,395 

Dollars. 








9,744 10 


97,440i 


GREAT KENHAWA. 




Near the North. West, 




1.180 




East side above, 




7,276 




Mouth of Cole River, 




2,000 




Opposite thereto, 2,950 ) 
Burning Spring, 125 ^ 




3,075 















200,000* 




MARYLAND. 




Charles County, 




600 6d. 


3,600/ 


Montgomery ditto. 




519 12 


6,228m 




PENNSYLVANIA. 




Great Meadows, 




234 6 


1,404» 



270 


APPENDIX. 




' 


NEW YORK. 




Mohawk River, 


Acres. Price. 
about 1,000 6 

NORTH-WEST TERRITORY. 


Dollars. 
6,000o 


On Little Miami, 

Ditto, 

Ditto, 


339 

977 

],235 






3,251 5 


16,251j. 




KENTUCKY. 




Rough Creek, 
Ditto adjoining, 


3,000 

2.000 





5,000 2 
LOTS, VIZ. 

CITY OF WASHINGTON. 

Two near the capitol, square 634, cost 963 dollars, and with 

buildings, 
Nos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, the three last water lots on the Eastern 

Branch, in square 667, containing together 34,438 square 

feet, at 12 cents, 

ALEXANDRIA. 

Corner of Pitt and Prince streets, half an acre laid out into 
buildings, three or four of which are let on ground rent at 
three dollars per foot, 

WINCHESTER. 

A lot in the town, of half an acre, and another in the com- 
mons, of about six acres, supposed 

BATH OR WARM SPRINGS. 

Two well situated, and had buildings to the amount of 150Z. 
STOCK. 

UNITED STATES. 

Six per cent. 3,746 
A 1 Q-ro ■> 

2,500 



10,000? 

15,000r 
4,132s 

4,oooe 

400tt 
800w 



Ditto deferred. 
Three per cent. 



1,873 

2,946 



POTOMACK COMPANY. 

Twenty.four shares, cost each lOOZ. sterling, 

JAMES RIVER COMPANY. 

Five shares, each cost 100 dollars, 

BANK OF COLUMBIA. 

One hundred and seventy shares, cost $40 each. 



6,246w 

10,666* 

500y 

6,800« 



APPENDIX. 271 

Dollars. 

BANK OF ALEXANDRIA. 1,000 

Besides twenty shares to the free school — 5. 

STOCK LIVING, viz. 
One covering horse, five carriage horses, four riding ditto, 
six brood mares, twenty working horses and mares, two 
covering jacks, and three young ones; ten she asses, 42 
working mules, 15 younger ones, 329 head of horned 
cattle, 640 head of sheep, and a large stock of hogs, the 
precise number unknown. QU* My manager has estimated 
this live stock at lOOOl. but I shall set it down, in order 
to make a round sum, at 15,653 



Aggregate amount, 530,000 

NOTES. 

a. This tract for the size of it, is valuable, more for its situation 
than the quality of its soil, though that is good for farming ; with a 
considerable proportion of ground that might very easily be improved 
into meadow. It lies on the great road from the city of Washington, 
Alexandria, and Georgetown, to Leesburgh and Winchester, at Diffi. 
cult Bridge, nineteen miles from Alexandria, less from the city and 
Georgetown, and not more than three from Matildaville, at the great 
falls of Potomack. There is a valuble seat on the premises, and the 
whole is conditionally sold for the sum annexed in the schedule. 

b. What the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of these two tracta 
are, I know not ; but compared with those above the ridge, and others 
below it, the value annexed will appear moderate , a less one would 
not obtain them from me. 

c. The surrounding land, not superiour in soil, situation, or properties 
of any sort, sells currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an acre. 
The lowest price is affixed to these. 

d. The observations made in the last note, apply equally to this 
tract, being in the vicinity of them, and of similar quality, although it 
lies in another county. 

e. This tract, though small, is extremely valuable. It lies on Poto- 
mack River, about twelve miles above the town of Bath, (or Warm 
Springs,) and is in the shape of a horseslioe, the river running almost 
around it. Two hundred acres of it are rich low grounds, with a great 
abundance of the largest and finest walnut trees, which, with the pro. 
duce of the soil, might, (by means of the improved navigation of the 
Potomack,) be brought to a shipping port with more ease, and at a 
smaller expense, than that which is transported thirty miles only by 
land. 

/. This tract is of second rate Gloucester low grounds. It has no 
improvements thereon, but lies on navigable water, abounding in fish 
and oysters. It was received in payment of a debt, (carrying interest,) 
and valued in the year 1789, by an impartial gentleman, at 8001. 

N. B. It has lately been sold, and there is due thereon, a balance 
equal to what is annexed in the schedule. 



272 APPENDIX. 

g. These 373 acres are the third part of the undivided purchases 
made by the deceased Fielding Lewis, Thos. Walker, and myself, on 
full conviction that they would become valuable. The land lies on the 
road from Suffolk to Norfolk, touches, (if I am not mistaken,) some 
part of the navigable water of Nansemond river. The rich Dismal 
Swamp is capable of great improvement ; and, from its situation, must 
become extremely valuable. 

h. This is an imdivided interest which I held in the great Dismal 
Swamp Company, containing about 4000 acres, with my part of the 
plantation and stock thereon, belonging to the company in the said 
swamp. 

i. These several tracts of land are of the first quality on the Ohio 
River, in the parts where they are situated, being almost, if not alto- 
gether, river bottoms. The smallest of these tracts is actually sold at 
ten dollars an acre, but the consideration therefor not received. The 
rest are equally valuable, and will sell as high, especially that which 
lies just below the Little Kenhawa ; and is opposite to a thick settle- 
ment on the west side of the river. The four tracts have an aggregate 
breadth upon the river of sixteen miles, and are bounded there by that 
distance. 

Ic. These tracts are situated upon the great Kenhawa river, and 
the first four are bounded thereby for more than 40 miles. It is ac- 
knowledged by all who have seen them, (and of the tract containing 
10,990 acres, which I have been on myself, I can assert,) that there 
is no richer or more valuable land in all that region. They are con. 
ditionally sold for the sum mentioned in the schedule, that is 200,000 
dollars, and if the terms of that sale are not complied with, they will 
command considerable more. The tract, of which the 125 acres is a 
moiety, was taken up by General Andrew Lewis and myself, for, and 
on account ,of a bituminous spring which it contains, of so inflammable 
a nature as to burn as freely as spirits and is nearly as difficult to 
extinguish. 

I. I am but little acquainted with this land, although I have once 
been on it. It was received, (many years since,) in discharge of a 
debt due to me from Daniel Junifer Adams, at the value annexed 
thereto^ and must be worth more. It is very level — lies near the river 
Potomack. 

m. This tract lies about 30 miles above the city of Washington, 
not far from Kitoctan. It is good farming land, and by those who 
are well acquainted with it, I am informed that it would sell at twelve 
or fifteen dollars per acre. 

n. This land is valuable on account of its local situation and other 
properties. It affords an exceeding good stand on Braddock's road from 
Fort Cumberland to Pittsburgh ; and, besides a fertile soil, possesses a 
large quantity of natural meadow, fit for the scythe. It is distinguished 
by the appellation of the Great Meadows, where the first action with 
the French, in the year 1754, was fought. 

0. This is the moiety of about 2000 acres which remains unsold, of 
6,071 acres on the Mohawk River, (Montgomery county,) in a patent 
granted to Daniel Coxe, in the township of Coxborough and Carolina, 
as will appear by deed from Marinus Willet and wife, to George 



APPENDIX. 273 

Clinton, (late governour of New York,) and myself. The latter 
sales have been at six dollars an acre, and what remains unsold will 
fetch that or more. 

p. Tic quality of these lands and their situation, may be known 
by the surveyor's ceitificates, which are filed alouj/ with the patents. 
They lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati ; one tract near the moutii of 
the Little Miami ; another seven, and the third ten miles up the 
same. I have been informed that they will readily command more 
than they are estimated at. 

q. For the description of those tracts in detail, see Gen. Spotswood's 
letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Besides the 
general good quality of the land, there is a valuable bank of iron ore 
thereon, which, when the settlement becomes more populous, (and set- 
tl rs are moving that way very fast,) will be found very valuable, as 
the R^ugh Creek, a branch of Green River, affords ample water for 
furnaces and forges. 

LOTS, VIZ. 

CITY OF WASHINGTON. 

r. The two lots near the capitol, in square 634, cost me 963 dollars 
only; but in this price I was favoured, on condition that I should 
build two brick houses three stories high each : without this reduction 
the selling prices of these lots would have cost me about 1,350 dollars. 
These lots, with the buildings on them when completed, will stand 
me in 15,000 dollars at least. 

8. Lots Nos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the Eastern branch are advan- 
tageously situated on the water ; and although many lots much less 
convenient have sold a great deal higher, I will rate these at 12 cents 
the square foot only. 

ALEXANDRIA. 

t. For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused 3,500 dollars. It 
has since been laid off into proper sized lots for building on, three or 
four of which are let on ground rent for ever, at three dollars a foot 
on the street ; and this price is af^ked for both fronts on Pitt and Prince 
streets. 

WINCHESTER. 

u. As neither the lot in the town or common have any improvements 
on them, it is not easy to fixX a price ; but as both are well situated, it 
is presumed the price annexed to them in the schedule is a reasonable 
valuation. 

BATH. 

V. The lots in Bath, (two adjoining,) cost me to the best of my 
recollection between 5i) and 60 pounds, 20 years ago; and the buildings 
thereon 15 J/, more. Wliether property there has increased or decreas- 
ed in its value, and in what condition the houses are, 1 am ignorant — 
but suppose they are not valued too high. 

STOCK. 

to. These are the sums which are actually funded, and though no 
more in the aggregate than 7,566 dollars, stand me in at least ten 

24 



274 APPENDIX. 

thousand pounds, Virginia money ; being the amount of bonded and 
other debts due to me, and discharged during the war, when money 
had depreciated in that rate— O" and was so settled by pubhek 
authority. 

X. The value annexed to these shares is what they actually cost me, 
and is the price affixed by law ; and although the present selling price 
is under par, my advice to the legatees, (for whose benefit they are 
intended, especially those who can afford to lie out of the money,) is, 
that each should take and hold one— there being a moral certainty of 
a great and increasing profit arising from them in the course of a few 
years. 

y. It is supposed that the shares in the James River Company 
must also be productive : but of this I can give no decided opinion, 
for want of more accurate information. 

z. These are the nominal prices of the shares in the banks of Alex- 
andria and Columbia ; the selling prices vary according to circumstan. 
ces ; but as the stock usually divides from eight to ten per cent, per 
annum, they must be worth the former, at least, so long as the banks 
are conceived to be secure, although circumstances may sometimes 
make them below it. i r* ♦! 

The value of the live stock depends more upon the quality than 
quantity of the different species of it ; and this again upon the demand 
and judgement, or fancy of purchasers. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Mount Vernon, July 9, 1799. 



FINIS. 



i^i^5 B9 



u^ 






J* 4 o^ • 



'c -i'°'n>i. V 















^ \ 'W^s j'"\ '^w' '^^"x '-S 






- -^ov* 












-*\^^ "^^ 

^0^ *!*> ^ 




^^-^.^ 












L^ 






l/\;Wv''V^v 



- 'f^o^ : 



,■^o, 



«> • 






v^\!iSkr.V .■«?^:k■i^.%. .«^\^;^-"^ 



^o. 



o 










,•!«?«. : 






O '^^^.^^ O 



HECKMAN 

BINDERY INC. 






JUN 89 

N. MANCHESTER, 









<>' "*>. 






